I don't know Joiner theory but Durkheim analysis argue that suicide is due to social bond lack. He did statical research and find that man with was not married, not religious, not working seems to have higher suicide risk. He has never taken into account the psychological factors or the biographical trajectories

The two beliefs, in the interpersonal theory, that are most likely to induce an attempted suicide, thwarted belongingness and perceived burdensomeness. Durkheim’s egotistical suicide resonates with thwarted belonging. According to Durkheim, when a man becomes socially isolated or feels that he has no place in the society he destroys himself. This is the suicide of self-centred person who lacks altruistic feelings and is usually cut off from main stream of the society. Perceived burdensomeness could be compared to Durkheim’s fatalistic suicide. This type of suicide is due to overregulation in society. Under the overregulation of a society, when a servant or slave commits suicide, when a barren woman commits suicide, it is the example of fatalistic suicide. The slave whose master has died, no longer serves a function, they are perceived as a burden, and feel pressurised into suicide. The second is not as close but there are, but there are points of comparison

Thanks, Chris. They are great points.

Happy to be of help

From Joiner (2005) pp. 33

That theory was put forth by the French sociologist Emile Durkheim in his 1897 book Ie Suicide. The theory emphasizes collective social forces much more than individual factors. In Durkheim's theory, the common denominator in all suicides is disturbed regulation of the individual by society. He was concerned with two kinds of regulation: social integration and moral regulation. Regarding social regulation, a curvilinear, U-shaped relationship between individuals' degree of integration in society and that society's suicide rates is hypothesized; too much or too little integration are both bad things, according to Durkheim. Low integration something that in later chapters of this book will be referred to as low belongingness-leads to an increase in a type of suicide that Durkheim labeled "egoistic." His idea was that we need something that transcends us, and he felt that the only thing that is transcendent enough is human society. When it breaks down, people feel purposeless and become desperate, and suicide rates go up.

Too much integration, according to Durkheim, is also associated with more suicide, but of a different type, namely "altruistic" suicides. Excessive societal integration leads people to lose themselves and to commit to a larger goal. Self-sacrifice is a defining aspect of this kind of suicide; self-sacrifice bears some similarities to the concept of perceived burdensomeness, which will be emphasized in my account of why people die by suicide. In Durkheim's view, when individuals are so integrated into a social group that individuality fades, they become willing to sacrifice themselves to the group's interests.

Regarding moral regulation, "anomic" suicide is caused by sudden changes in the social position of an individual, mainly as a result of economic upheavals. The idea is that any abrupt change in the regulatory function of society or its institutions on people's behavior is likely to increase suicide rates. Because society loses its scale, people's ambitions are unleashed but cannot all be satisfied, leaving a lot of unhappy people.

Durkheim contrasted anomic suicide to "fatalistic" suicide, which occurs among those with overregulated, unrewarding lives, such as slaves. Of the four types of suicide discussed by Durkheim, fatalistic suicide receives the least attention, perhaps because he viewed it as relatively rare.

One of Durkheim's goals was to study social forces, often to the exclusion of other factors, of which he was at times dismissive. He did not deny, however, that individual conditions like mental disorders are relevant to suicide. But he did claim that most such factors are insufficiently general to affect the suicide rate of whole societies, and thus should not be emphasized by sociologists. It is notable that these days many sociologists study individual factors as well as social forces.

From Joiner (2005) pp. 35

It is remarkable, too, that a theorist who could be dismissive of the role of genes and of mental disorders in suicide is still influential, because there is absolutely no doubt that genes and mental disordersand much else at times marginalized by Durkheim-are involved in suicidal behavior. Why, then, is he still influential? He was the first to attempt a fully empirical sociology, and he was the first to attempt a systematic, comprehensive, coherent, and testable theory of suicide. Second, he was right about some things. As I show in Chapter 3, he anticipated my model's emphasis on social disconnection as a major source for the desire for suicide. Through his emphasis on altruistic suicide, he also anticipated my theory's inclusion of perceived burdensomeness as a key precursor to serious suicidal behavior, though we differ on the details. Third, Durkheim had little competition for decades. The first half of the twentieth century was dominated by psychoanalysis, and to be blunt, it is difficult to think of a lasting contribution to the understanding of suicide from this perspective. It is easy, however, to think of many examples in which psychoanalytic theories have been obstacles to understanding.

From Joiner (2005) pp. 36

These examples show that Durkheim had little real competition as a theorist for decades. Incidentally, I do not blame Menninger, Sullivan, and others for their misperceptions- had I been working in the 1930s I would have seen the world through a similar lens. I feel much less charitably, however, toward those who perpetuated these mistakes into the following decades and less charitably still to the few who promulgate these theories today.

Viable theories of suicide other than Durkheim's began to emerge in the latter half of the twentieth century. One of the most prominent theorists is Edwin Shneidman. Shneidman was influenced by Henry Murray, who focused on the nature of psychological needs and the consequences of having those needs thwarted. Shneidman's views on suicide can be described as centering on thwarted psychological needs-a general approach that I borrow from in the development of my model of suicidal behavior.

Shneidman wrote, "In almost every case, suicide is caused by pain, a certain kind of pain-psychological pain, which I call psychache. Furthermore, this psychache stems from thwarted or distorted psychological needs." For Shneidman, psychache-defined as general psychological and emotional pain that reaches intolerable intensity-is a proximal cause of suicide. That is, whatever earlier risk factors are at play, they operate through increasing psychache, which in turn predisposes to suicidality. 

From Joiner (2005) pp. 42

Though the theories of Durkheim, Shneidman, Beck, Baumeister, and Linehan are the most prominent and influential explanations of suicidal behavior, there are others that are of some interest. For example, some have contended that economic theory can explain some suicides. Changes in suicide rates vary detectably with changes in the economy such that downturns are associated with higher rates, upturns with lower rates. However, this kind of theorizing essentially reduces to sociological and psychological questions of why economic changes affect individuals in this way; the theorists summarized in this chapter all have answers, as do I, which I describe in the chapters that follow.

From Joiner (2005) pp. 101

In 2004, as reported on the news website Ananova.com, an elderly Malaysian couple died by suicide by jumping from the fifteenth floor of their apartment building specifically because they did not want to be a burden on their family. Their suicide note read, "If we had waited for our death due to sickness, we would have caused much inconvenience to all of you." Ritual murder of widows among the Lusi people in New Guinea has been described as essentially suicidal: ''A Lusi widow would rather die than be dependent on her children; Lusi widowers are not viewed as a burden on their kin and are not ritually killed by their kin."

Examples like this illustrate that perceived burdensomeness could play a role in suicidal behavior and also shows the link, mentioned in Chapter 1, between perceived burdensomeness and Durkheim's concept of altruistic suicide. For Durkheim, altruistic suicides occur when people are so integrated into social groups that individuality fades, and they become willing to sacrifice themselves to the group's interests. My account also emphasizes self-sacrifice in context of the perception that others will benefit, but I do not think this usually occurs when people are especially connected to a group-in fact quite the contrary, as will be expanded on in the next section on failed belongingness.