What were the various investment objectives financed by the additional off-budget money introduced into the economy since the beginning of the SARS-CoV-2 (Covid-19) coronavirus pandemic?

What were the key priorities and effects of the application of public financial aid programs financed with additional extra-budgetary money introduced into the economy?

What were the key priorities and effects of using state financial aid programs under the so-called anti-crisis interventionist activities financed with additional extra-budgetary money introduced into the economy through covid programs and earmarked funds?

What were the different purposes of financing specific anti-crisis measures that were identified as priorities during the SARS-CoV-2 (Covid-19) coronavirus pandemic?

What anti-crisis economic processes were activated by the extra-budgetary introduction of a large amount of additional money into the economy, which resulted, among others, in a significant increase in inflation (from 2021) and an increase in the hidden debt of the state's public finance system (from 2020)? What are the economic effects if the extra money finances mainly an increase in consumption compared to an increase in investment?

He hereby proposes a discussion on the issue of extra-budgetary introduction of additional money into the economy as part of government covid programs and funds, financing specific goals recognized as priorities of anti-crisis measures and the level of debt of the state's public finance system. In the country where I operate under the so-called covid funds, well over PLN 200 billion of additional money was introduced into the economy off-budget, which did not have parity in the goods and services produced. This was no exception to the anti-crisis measures of economic state interventionism used during the SARS-CoV-2 (Covid-19) coronavirus pandemic. As part of these anti-crisis measures of economic state interventionism, various financial support programs were used in individual countries, differing in their functionality and impact on the macroeconomics of the national economy. In some countries, such as Poland, the effects were mainly pro-inflationary and generated mainly by an increase in consumption. In Poland, the simplest solutions of this kind have generated a particularly high level of core inflation and a high level of loss of purchasing power of money that citizens receive in salaries, even taking into account the wage increases for employed employees applied by entrepreneurs. The anti-crisis measures of state economic interventionism implemented in Poland during the SARS-CoV-2 (Covid-19) coronavirus pandemic in the formula of mainly government programs, the so-called Anti-Crisis Shields consisting mainly in the transfer of public financial aid to commercially operating business entities, under which the largest amount of money from the public finance system was allocated by the government to non-repayable subsidies transferred to companies and enterprises in the form of subsidies to employees' salaries and refinancing fixed costs of business activity. The purpose of this type of the simplest and most primitive anti-crisis solution was to limit the scale of employment reduction and the scale of bankruptcy of business entities caused by scientifically unjustified, large-scale lockdowns imposed on selected sectors of the economy and the so-called. national quarantines. Unfortunately, the real level of unemployment was still growing during the pandemic, despite the fact that the statistics of the Central Statistical Office did not show it, because a significant part of entrepreneurs, in order to receive the aforementioned non-repayable subsidies, reduced the employment of employees from e.g. full-time to part-time. In addition, this type of anti-crisis measures of economic state intervention, applied in the simplest and most primitive formula, did not motivate companies and enterprises to implement pro-development investments. However, in some other countries, the mechanism of the applied anti-crisis actions of state economic interventionism was much more investment and pro-development, and even pro-climate and pro-environmental. For example, in the most economically and technologically developed countries of Europe, such as in Germany, the anti-crisis measures of economic state interventionism used during the SARS-CoV-2 (Covid-19) coronavirus pandemic had to a large extent precisely this type of investment, pro-development, pro-climate and pro-environmental character . In Poland, this extra money was only unproductively consumed and generated a restoration of consumption to pre-coronavirus levels and an increase in inflation from 2021. In Germany, additional money was allocated to investments, in addition to green investments, i.e. the implementation of the key anti-crisis assumption, Keynesian state interventionism, taking into account the issue of achieving sustainable development goals, accelerating the processes of green transformation of the economy, i.e. pragmatic, pro-social and at the same time pro-climate and pro-environmental measures were applied approach in the field of anti-crisis and pro-development activities. In Poland, however, the additional, printed, anti-crisis money introduced into the economy as part of off-budget Covid funds was consumed, generated another wave of economic downturn resulting from growing inflation, and contributed to an increase in the real debt of the public finance system, although hidden from the above-mentioned prudential indicators. In addition, due to the government slowing down the process of green transformation of the energy sector in recent years, more than 3/4 of electricity and heat in Poland is still generated from dirty combustion power generation based on the combustion of hard coal and lignite, which resulted in a crisis that was particularly costly for Polish citizens energy in 2022. Therefore, the anti-crisis socio-economic policy programs applied in individual countries during the coronavirus (Covid-19) pandemic were significantly diversified in many respects, including issues recognized by governments as priorities and key investment objectives financed with additional anti-crisis extra-budgetary money introduced into economy. In some countries, it was noticed that during the pandemic there is a possibility of accelerating the processes of pro-environmental, pro-climate, green transformation of the economy and this opportunity was taken advantage of. On the other hand, unfortunately, there are still countries, including EU Member States, such as Poland, in which the priorities of the anti-crisis, monetarist, historically large-scale economic state interventionism completely ignored the issue of emerging opportunities, including the financial possibilities of accelerating the processes pro-environmental, pro-climate, green transformation of the economy.

In view of the above, I am addressing the Honorable Community of scientists and researchers with the following question: What were the different purposes of financing specific anti-crisis measures that were identified as priorities during the SARS-CoV-2 (Covid-19) coronavirus pandemic? What anti-crisis economic processes were activated by the extra-budgetary introduction of a large amount of additional money into the economy, which resulted, among others, in a significant increase in inflation (from 2021) and an increase in the hidden debt of the state's public finance system (from 2020)? What are the economic effects if the extra money finances mainly an increase in consumption compared to an increase in investment? What were the key priorities and effects of applying public financial aid programs under the so-called anti-crisis interventionist activities financed with additional extra-budgetary money introduced into the economy through covid programs and earmarked funds? What were the various investment objectives financed by the additional off-budget money introduced into the economy since the beginning of the SARS-CoV-2 (Covid-19) coronavirus pandemic?

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The above text is fully my original work written by me on the basis of my research. In writing this text, I did not use any other sources or automatic text generation systems, such as ChatGPT. Copyright by Dariusz Prokopowicz

best wishes,

Dariusz Prokopowicz

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