Chicken is sometimes used negatively in English to refer to someone who is scared or isn't brave. But sometimes parents will refer to their children as "little chicken". Parents will also sometimes refer to their kids as "little duck".  Both of these are affectionate uses.  

Chick (as in a young chicken) is a slang word used to refer to girls.

Whale is sometimes used negatively in English to refer to someone who is overweight.

Bitch (the term for a female dog) is often used negatively in English to refer to someone who whines, or is aggravating, or generally unpleasant to deal with.  

Dog is sometimes used negatively to refer to someone who the speaker thinks is unattractive or someone who treats other badly.

Snake is sometimes used negatively to refer to someone who is dangerous or can't be trusted.

Rat is used negatively several ways:  when you "rat" on someone, you tell on them to some authority figure, a "pack rat" is someone who keeps lots of stuff and lives in a messy environment because of it.

I'm sure there are many others but those come to mind most quickly.

Chameleon is also used negatively to refer to someone who is not consistent but changes 'positions' on issues.

In South Sotho (one of the official languages in South Africa) sheep is used to refer to a person who hides/suppresses his/her emotions when the situation suggests otherwise. 

pig = a boorish person, a mean person, as in 'male-chauvinist pig'

swine = a cruel person, generally male

rabbit = someone not very good at a sport like golf or chess

tiger = the opposite

cow = a woman, as in "poor cow"

stallion = a sexually proficient male

lizard = a man who chats up girls in bars ("lounge-lizard")

- hope that helps, an interesting study

I have found this page in internet which may be of useful:

http://mmdelrosario.hubpages.com/hub/animal-similes

In case you are interested in Spanish, here is a list of the most common similes:

vaca (cow): fat

cerdo (pig): dirty

gallina (hen): coward

perro (dog): lazy

burro (donkey): pigheaded, dumb

mula (mule): stubborn

rata (rat): evil

loro (parrot): chatterbox (talks too much)

urraca (magpie): hoarder

zorro (fox): devious

zorra (she-fox): slapper

toro (bull): strong

lince (lynx): crafty, clever

león (lion): courageous

cordero (lamb): meek

pantera (panther): fierce

gacela (gazelle): fast

Cheers

In Russian, there are lots of them. Some examples:

kozel (goat, male) = idiot, blockhead; jerk, bastard, ass.

osel (donkey) - somebody really stupid, idiot.

olen (deer, a modern one) - not very clever/smart person

diatel (woodpecker) = informer, whistle-blower, also dimwit, blockhead

suka (female dog, very vulgar and offensive) = bitch, contemptible person, usually but not necessarily female.

There are some more. Once I came across this website. Maybe it can be useful: http://forum.wordreference.com/showthread.php?t=180857

Negative:

  for a subversive person Snake الافعى

 The cameleon :  Negative changing all the time her color    الحرباية 

 Herisson : Has needles who come out suddenly to hurt  الأنفذ

 الخنزيرPig eats much

 the hawl البومة always brings bad news

Very stubborn the ox التيس 

Crocodile has false tears  a liar for pity تمساح

القرش THe Shark  is never satisfied takes everything

Positive :

White Pigeon or Colomba اليمامية Brings good news

Works like a donkey : hard worker حمار شغل

الغزالة La gazelle : Beautiful and gracious

الظرافة also handsome and sweet

بلبل  كروان Singing birds/persons with sweet voices

hawk: hardliner in the political arena

There are also composite terms and idiomatic expressions with animals

• underdog: fighting top ranked athletes
• night owl: usually wake up late
• bull in a china shop: an insensitive person making trouble
• monkey with razor: a stupid and estruvtive person with power

For animals with positive meaning in English see here: http://www.greatdreams.com/animals.htm

You find a long list for many other languages here: http://forum.wordreference.com/showthread.php?t=180857

CHAPTER 2

SEMANTIC DEVELOPMENT OF MIDDLE

ENGLISH AND EARLY MODERN ENGLISH

CANINE, EQUINE AND FELINE ZOOSEMY

2.0. Introduction

In contemporary linguistics, many attempts have been madę to formulate

convincing evidence in favour of the view that semantic change of word meaning

is a cognitively motivated process. The idea that semantic shifts seem to have

cognitive roots is clearly advocated by, among others, Kardela and Kleparski

(1990), Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk (1992), Kleparski (1996, 1997), Gyori (2002),

Grygiel (2004, 2005), Kiełtyka and Kleparski (2005b, 2007a). hi the linguistic

literaturę, views have been advanced that semantic change is accountable for in

terms of the coiwentionalisation of context-dependent modification of usage and

its constraints are delimited by such generał cognitive mechanisms as analogy,

association and categorisation (see, for example, Gyori (2002:123)). As argued by

cognitive linguists, mental processes and concepts are based on human experience,

conceptual perception and experiencing the extemal world, both physical and

social. It has been repeatedly pointed out that concepts and abstract thinking are

metaphorical in naturę and metaphors are said to stem directly from particular

experiences (Lakoff (1987)). The aim of this chapter is to examine selected cases

of zoosemy affecting the conceptual macrocategory HUMAN BEING and argue

that they can be accounted for in terms of the operation of conceptual metaphor

especially when this is viewed as one of the causes of meaning constmetion and

alteration.

As pointed out in Chapter 1, cognitive linguistics treats metaphor as a central

issue in language analysis. Dwelling upon Reddy's (1979) concept of conduit

metaphor, Lakoff and Johnson (1980) and Lakoff and Turner (1989) put forward a

theory where metaphor is viewed as a much broader phenomenon than generally

conceived. The CMT theory treats metaphor as a conceptual rather than a purely

linguistic entity which involves systematic projection between two mental

representations (conceptual domains). Thus, CMT defmes metaphor as a strictly

directional phenomenon in which analyses are stated" in terms of entrenched

conceptual relationships.

Here, as pointed out above, the mechanism of zoosemy is viewed as one

involving stable and systematic relationships between two conceptual domains in

89

that particular elements of the source and target domains are highlighted through a

combination of the source language used and the relevant conceptual metaphor, a

mapping which shows us how elements in the two domains linę up with each

other.

hi this chapter an attempt will be madę to show that the so-called GCM seems

to provide some explanation of how and wiry animal names in natural languages

are widely employed to designate human characteristics, and coiwersely, why

animals in different languages are attributed basie human character traits. The

comprehension of human attributes and behaviour through animal attributes and

behaviour results from the application of the highly generał conceptual metaphor,

that is (see, for example,

Kleparski (1996), K6vecses (1997) and Martsa (2001), e.g.:

Notice that the metaphors we are concerned with here are, in fact, mappings from

the source domain of instinctual attributes and behaviour onto the target domain of

human character traits. As we hope to be able to show, the correspondences

between domains are not random or exceptional but largely systematic. Therefore,

metaphorical structure and resultant semantic change is also largely systematic.

Thus, the aim here is to examine selected data, in particular those metaphors that

are related to the conceptual category DOMESTICATED ANIMALS.

Specifically, it will be argued that the conceptual categories CANIDAE,

FELIDAE and EOUIDAE - that may be viewed as hyponimically embedded in

the conceptual category ANIMALS - are particularly abundant in zoosemic

developments targeted at the conceptual category HUMAN BEING where

evaluative developments and - in particular - pejoration of meaning is an

extremely freąuent semantic mechanism.95 The data examined below originate

from Mid.E. and E.Mod.E.96 and, in various cases, the lexical items analysed

2.1. Conceptual Dimension APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL

CHARACTERISTICS: cob, kitling, roił and harridan

Wierzbicka (1985:161) postulates an ordered set of thematic parts, in terms of

which the intemal logie of the conceptualisation of folk genem can be captured

(see also Martsa (1999:77)). These are: HABITAT, SIZE, APPEARANCE,

On this issue see also Kleparski (1990, 1997).

That is the period covering roughly 1050-1700.

continue their metaphorical development into present day English.

HHIŁWTOUR and RELATION TO PEOPLE. Wierzbicka (1985:161) makes it

i-vident that properties within each thematic part can be discemible through a

painstaking analysis of the available linguistic evidence. For example, on the

basis of linguistic data drawn from Polish one may feel justified to claim that the

thematic part APPEARANCE may be employed in identifying the culture-

dependent properties of, among others, kobyła 'a marę' used with reference to

1'emales in the sense 'a clumsy, fat woraan' or the diminutive form świnka 'a

piglet' employed in the mildly pejorative sense 'a sloppy, untidy person'.97 Thus,

Ihe purpose of this section is to examine to which extent the conceptual

dimension APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS98 is to be held

responsible for mappings leading to the zoosemic shift DOMESTICATED

ANIMAL > A HUMAN BEING CHARACTERISED IN TERMS OF

APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS. Below, we analyse the

zoosemic development of four lexical items, namely cob, kitling, roił and

harridan.

COB: (19th century)

According to available etymological sources (e.g. ODEE, EDME), the

etymology of the lexical category cob is uncertain. ODE informs us that it has

many sense-fhreads some of which are probably from O.E. copp 'top, head', others

probably from O.N. kubbi, all probably from a Pro.Ger. base *kubb- 'something

rounded'. As argued by ]VTNIDU, cob corresponds to Mid.E. cobbe akin to O.N.

kobbi 'a seal'. Additionally, ODEE provides coiwincing evidence that the word

coiTesponds to Anglo-Latin cobus 'cob-loaf. As pointed out by the OED, cob

entered the English lexicon at the beginning of the 15" century and was originally

used in the sense 'a great man, big man; a chief, a leader'99 (1420>1884). In order

to account for the semantics of this sense-thread one fmds grounds to posit an

entrenchment link to the attributive paths of such CDs as DOMAIN OF

SPECIES [...], for which the attributive value (HUMAN) is foregrounded,

DOMAIN OF SEX [...], with the attributive element (MAŁE) activated,

DOMAIN OF AGE [...], for which the attributive value (ADULT) is brought to

the fore, as well as DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND

97 This lexical category can also be employed in a morę pejorative sense 'a sexually immoral

person'.

98 Apart from the four conceptual dimensions analysed in this study (i.e.

APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS, BEHAYIOUR/CHARACTER, MORALITY,

CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM), Kiełtyka (2006a) differentiates and discusses three morę conceptual

spheres, namely, PROFESSION/SOCIAL FUNCTION, ORIGIN/SOCIAL STATUS and SEXb'ALITY.

99 According to BDPF, the cob ofthe county is the great boss.

90

APPEARANCE [...], with the attributive values (GREAT)A(BIG) actuated and

DOMAIN OF PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONS [...], for which the

attributive elements (CHIEF)A(LEADER) gain prominence. The following

selected OED ąuotations testify to the semantics of the original sense-tliread of

cob:m

al420 Mayntenaunce..Sustenede is not by persones lowe; But cobbes101 grete this ryot sustene.

1563-87 The greatest Cobs were yet behind.

1827 For fishing and shuting he was the cob of all this country!

1884 Cob is also a leader: This boy will be always cob = what is called at school 'cock

of the school'. Sometimes pronounced cop.

As the OED ąuotations given below show, in the middle of the 16* century

cob developed the sense 'a wealthy man; a lniser' which became obsolete already

in the second half of the 17th century (1548>1681). As noted by BDPF, a rich cob

is a plutocrat. In terms of the mechanism adopted here the semantics of this sense-

thread, apart from the activation of such conceptually central elements as

(HUMAŃ), (MAŁE), (ADULT) presupposed for the attributive paths of

DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAFN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE

[...] respectively, is explicable in terais of an entrenchment link to the attributive

paths of the peripheral DOMAIN OF CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR [...],

for which the value (MISER) is brought to the fore, attended by the foregrounding

of the attributive value (WEALTHY) which is one of the elements that may be

said to form the attributive patii of DOMAFN OF POSSESSIONS [...].

1548 That wone clubbed Cobbe should not so encroche an hundred meniiys

lyuynges.

s

1681 A rich Cob or miser, homo locuples & wams.

IUU Throughout this work we adopt the following notational coiwention: a continuous temporal

presence of a given sense-thread is marked with a bidirectional arrow. However, if the evidence we

quote has time gaps - refcrred to as temporal hiatus by Geeraerts (1997:24-25) and Kleparski

(1997:250) - of morę than 150 years we mark the gap with a unidirectional aiTow as shown above.

Additionally, it must be stressed that Geeraerts (1997:24-25) dcvelops the notion of semantic

polygenesis in that the same marginal meaning occurs at several points in time that are separated by a

considerabe period. In this respect Kleparski (1997:251) claims that the discontinuous presence of that

meaning is not due to accidental gaps in the available textual sources, but that the meaning in question

must have come into being independently at two historical moments. It seems that the temporal hiatus

in the evidence we quote - in the majority of cases - does not involve semantic polygenesis, but rather

is due to accidental gaps in the available textual sources.

101 The earliest known printed use of a word, as recorded by the OED, provides an index of

the datę at which the term entered the language.

At the close of the 16th century the word came to be used in the sense 'a

Inige, lumpish person'.102 Apart from the already specified conceptually central

CDs and attributive values, the semantics of this sense-thread is explicable in

terms of an entrenchment link to the attributive path of the peripheral DOMAIN

OF PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE [...], for which

the attributive values (HUGE)A(LUMPISH) are prominent. This sense-thread of cob

cmerges from the following OED ąuotation:

1583 When the cob had maunged the gobets foule garbaged haulfe ąuick.

It was only at the beginning of the 19th century (see ąuotations given

below) that - by the process of reversed zoosemic extension - cob started to

designate a horse, specifically 'a short-legged, stout variety of horse, usually

ridden by heavy persons' (1818>1863). The OED further explains that the

word was additionally used for a strong pony. In order to account for this

sense-thread of the word one must posit the existence of entrenchment nodes

lo the attributive paths of such conceptually central CDs as DOMAIN OF

SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...], for

which the attributive values (EQUINE), (MAŁE) and (ADULT) respectively,

are activated. This is coupled with the foregrounding of the conceptually

peripheral elements (SHORT-LEGGED)A(STOUT)A(STURDY), as well as

(RIDDEN BY HEAYY PERSONS) which form parts of the attributive paths of

DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE

[...] and DOMAIN OF FUNCTIONS [...]. The following OED ąuotations

testify to this sense-thread of cob:

1818 Cob, a horse not castrated. In our northern dialect, cob is a testicle.

Z

1863 Cob, a compact punchy horse.

And so, by the association of certain elements of the cognitive base of

'COB', i.e. the evaluatively neutral values (HUMAŃ) A (MAŁE) A (ADULT) and,

marginally, evaluatively tinged values (GREAT) A (HUGE) A (LUMPISH) A

(LEADER) A (WEALTHY) with certain elements in the cognitive base of

'HORSE', i.e. the axiologically neutral values (EQUINE) A (MAŁE) A (ADULT)

and, marginally, evaluatively charged values (STOUT) A (STURDY) A (STRONG)

A (SHORT-LEGGED) the lexical category cob started - at a certain stage of its

semantic evolution (19th>21st centuries) - to function as a term designating a

specific kind of horse.

102 Interestingly, as noted by Partridge (2002:231), in the lC^O1'1 centuries cob started to be

sed as a synonym for a testicle, a change which might be classified as a narrowing of meaning.

IUru.MO: (16,h>l8"'

centuries)

The OED informs us that kitling is conimonly identified with O.N.

kettling-r/ketling-r, Mod.Norw. kjetling 'a kitten', the diminutive form of

kottr. It is, however, speculated (see the OED) that if kitling is from O.E., the

form would be *cyteling, of which no supporting evidence can be found. At

the outset of the 14th century the analysed word was used in the sense 'the

young of any animal; a cub, a whelp' (14,h>17th centuries). The account of this

sense-fhread of cob involves positing an entrenchment link to the attributive

path of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...] and the actuation of the attributive

element (ANIMAL/CANINE), attended by the activation of the attributive

value (EPICENE) presupposed for the attributive path of DOMAIN OF SEX

[...], as well as the highlighting of the attributive element (YOUNG) specified

for the attributive path of DOMAIN OF AGE [...]. The following OED

ąuotations testify to this sense-thread of kitling:

al300 he kitelinges of liouns.

Z

1603 They [sea-weasels or sea-dogs] breed their young whelpes or kitlings alive within

their bellies, and when they list, let them foorth.

In the first half of the 16* centuiy kitling started to be used with reference to

a young cat, a kitten (1530>1894). The semantics of this sense-thread provides a

case of entrenchment to the attributive paths of such CDs as DOMAIN OF

SPECIES [...], for which the attributive value (FELINE) is highlighted,

DOMAIN OF SEX [...], with the activation of the attributive element

(EPICENE) and DOMAIN OF AGE [...], for which the attributive value

(YOUNG) is brought to the fore. The following OED ąuotations illustrate this

sense-tliread of kitling:

al530 I haue sene the day that pus my cat Hath had in a yere kytlyns eyghtene.

1894 Fm ower auld a Pussy Bawdrons to learn new tricks o' sayin' 'miauw' to the

kittlins.

In the first half of the 16Ul centuiy - by the process of animal metaphorisation

- kitling was first used secondarily with reference to a person either in the sense 'a

child, offspring' or as 'resembling or acting like a kitten in some way'

(1541>1745). According to Wright (1898-1905:460), in the 19,h centuiy kitling

was used in the sense 'a soft, effeminate person' and the compound kitling-brain

was applied to a weak-headed person; one too easily impressed.

The novel sense-thread involves - for its explication - entrencłiment links

lo the attnbutive paths of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...] and DOMAIN OF

SEX [...], which are foregrounded for the locations (HUMAŃ) and (EPICENE)

rcspectively. However, the highlighting of these values is attended by the

;ictivation of such other elements as (YOUNG/ADULT) and (RESEMBLING

OR ACTING LIKE A KITTEN) that are presupposed for the attributive paths of

DOMAIN OF AGE [...] and DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL

CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE [...] respectively. This sense-

Ihread of kitling emerges from the following OED ąuotations:

1541 Calling of him theiff.howris geyt, preistis kitlyne.

z

al745 Bid your mistress go hang herself.you whore's kitling.

ROIŁ: (16th>18fh centuries)

According to ODEE and EDME, the word roił is of obscure origin. Originally,

in the first half of the 16n centuiy it was used to designate an inferior or spiritless

horse (1523>1580). Our account of the rise of this sense involves the highlighting

of such conceptually central values as (EQUINE), (EPICENE) and (ADULT)

specified for the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN

OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...] respectively, attended by the

activation of conceptually peripheral values within the attributive paths of

DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE [...]

and DOMAIN OF ORIGIN [...], formulated here as (SPIRITLESS) and

(INFERIOR) respectively. The following OED evidence illustrates this sense-

thread of roił:

1523 As it were a gote In a shepe cote,..Therin, lyke a royle, Sir Dunkan, ye dared.

Z

1580 If a faire Marę in old time had bene couered with a fowle roile, or had bene with

fole out of season [etc.].

At the close of the 16n centuiy, the primary sense of roi! was extended to

denote a draught-horse. Thus, apart from the CDs and attributive values specified

above, the semantics of the novel sense-tliread is explicable in terms of an

entrencłiment relation to the attributive path of DOMAIN OF FUNCTIONS [...],

for which the attributive element (DRAUGHT/BEAST OF BURDEN) is brought

to the fore. The following OED ąuotation illustrates this sense-thread of roił:

1587 Such outlandish horsses as are dailie brought ouer vnto vs.., as the genet of

Spaine,..the Flemish roile, and Scotish nag.

94

In the first half of the 16" century - by the process of zoosemic extension

- roi!im started to be applied with reference to 'a clumsy or stoutly-built

female' (1533>1778). To account for this sense-thread of the analysed word,

one can speak of the rise of an entrenchment relation to the attributive paths of

such conceptually central CDs as DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN

OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...] and the foregrounding of such

evaluatively neutral elements as (HUMAŃ), (FEMALE) and (ADULT),

coupled with the activation of the conceptually peripheral attributive values

(STOUTLY-BUILT)A(CLUMSY), specified for the attributive path of

DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE

[...]. This sense-thread of the lexical category roił emerges from the following

OED ąuotations:

1533 There is not one crum or droppe of good fashion in all that great royles bodie...

Catullus ther speaketh of a certaine mayden.

1591 Barragana, a great ramping wench, a roile.

n

1778 Roił, or Royle, a big, ungainly Slam-makin; a great awkard Blowze or Hoyden.

HARRIDAN: (17th>19th centuries)

(17th>19,h centuries)

According to available etymological sources (see EDME, ODEE),

harridan is a variant alteration of French haridelle, used in the donor language

in the sense 'an ill-favoured horse'. In English harridan appears towards the

end of the 17th century in the sense 'a haggard, old woman ('a beldame' see

BDPF), but also - by the process of metaphorical extension - 'a decayed

strumpet', a meaning that has not survived in the 20" century usage

(170O1865), in which it is usually a term of vituperation.104 As observed by

Partridge (2002:533), in late 17th>18,h centuries harridan was used in the

sense 'a hagged/disagreeable old woman'. Moreover, DVT mforms us that in

E.Mod.E. harridan was a miserable, scraggy, worn-out harlot, fit to take her

bawd's degree and, according to Palmatier (1995:185), harridan was a

disreputable woman. In terms of the analytical tools adopted here the

explication of the secondary sense-thread of harridan involves an

entrenchment link to the attributive paths of such conceptually central CDs as

DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], with the attributive value (HUMAŃ)

highlighted, DOMAIN OF SEX [...], for which the attributive element

(FEMALE) is activated, as well as DOMAIN OF AGE [...] and the value

(ADULT/OLD) brought to the fore. As far as the conceptually peripheral

information involved in the construal of this sense-thread is concerned, one

can speak of the activation of the elements (HAGGARD) and (STRUMPET)

forming parts of the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL

CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE [...] and DOMAIN OF

MORALITY [...]. Consider the following OED ąuotations:

1700 Harridan, one that is half Whore, half Bawd.

3

1865 The harpy and harridan of the establishment was punished.

As formulated somewhat dramatically by Mills (1993:116), all the

connotations of the contempt and vituperation reserved for elderly women

whom men have to pay to satisfy their desires for illicit sex are found in the

18th>19th centuries sense of the word. The author argues along feministic lines

that it is as if men's self-disgust and fear of ageing were dealt with by

projecting it onto the female object.1 3 Mills (1993:116) concludes that in the

20th century harridan ameliorated slightly. Today, it has lost all negative

sexual connotations and is used in the sense 'a shrew' or 'a haggard and ill-

tempered old woman' and is often applied opprobriously to a mother-in-law.

Thus, the conceptual analysis of harridan shows that in the course of

E.Mod.E. period the word started to function as a term related not only to

the conceptual zonę APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS

(17,h>19th centuries), but also to the conceptual spheres MORALITY

(17th>19ih centuries) and CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM (20th century). The

mechanism of zoosemy discernible in the case of cob, kitling, harridan and

roił is displayed in Figurę 10.

The aim of the figurę is to visualise certain overall tendencies rather than

particular semantic alterations that have taken place in the history of English

where - by the process of zoosemic extension - animal names undergo the

process of metaphorisation via the conceptual dimension

APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS and give rise to shifts in

meaning targeted at the various locations of the conceptual category HUMAŃ

BEING.

103 Wright (1898-1905:142) and Grose (1790) argue that in the 181h century mil was used in

the sense 'a scold; an abusive person, especially a woman' but also 'an active, noisy child; a big

ungainly hoyden'.

104 See also EWPO and WNWD.

10:1 This is particularly visible in the following 18" century ąuotation (Mills (1993:116)):

Morę than anything I despise the old bawd who is flirtatious when her breasts are withered.

Who ever takes her for a friend is a fool if he pays up.

(:.t:o Fontecha and Catalan (2003:781)). The first one pertains to our

iindcrstanding of the non-human in terms of the human. In the case of animals

we realise that they have both instinctual attributes and behaviour, and they lack

uilior higher-order attributes and behaviour peculiar to humans, such as, for

'•\ample, the capacity for reasoning or morał judgment. However, people

niclaphorically attach human features to animals in order to understand and

yisualise their behaviour better. Second, it is commonly believed that all entities

have special properties, which are thought of as their most salient or prototypical

characteristics. These are what Lakoff and Turner (1989:196) refer to as the

quintessential properties. And so, with regard to cob, kitling, roił and harridan we

lend to concentrate on physical characteristics and appearance of these animals

such as, e.g. kitten's (SMALL SIZE), roil's (LACK OF VIGOUR AND

KNERGY), cob's (SHORT LEGS)A(STOUTNESS)A(STURDINESS), harridan's

(ILL-FAVOUREDNESS), which certainly ąualify as their ąuintessential

properties metaphorically ascribed to them by humans. This common knowledge

of the designates of cob, kitling, roił and harridan defers to a cognitive model

lliat is not necessarily based on scientific knowledge. In a nutshell, the point is

lliat by means of another metaphor, physical characteristics and appearance, as

Ihe ąuintessential properties of cob, kitling, roił and harridan come back to

human beings. Thus, the metaphor S/he is a cob/kitling/roil/harridan coached in

lerms of the mechanisms of the GCM, is to be understood in the foliowing way:

human physical characteristics and appearance are metaphorically mapped onto

Ihe coiwentional schema for cob, kitling, roił and harridan to create our

commonplace schema of the analysed animals. In other words, the metaphorical

scntence S/he is a cob/kitling/roil/harridan conveys the meaning:

'She is a stoutly-built, clumsy woman' (roił)/

'She/he is a person resembling or acting like a kitten' (kitling)/

'He is a big, great man, a leader' (cob)/

'She is a haggard woman or a decayed strumpet' (harridan), respectively.

What is really metaphorical about these contexts is that a person's physical

characteristics and appearance are perceived and understood in terms of the

rigidity of the cob, kitling, roił and harridan 's animal instinct. In other words, the

context S/he is a cob/kitling/roil/harridan maps the rigidity or the stereotypical

naturę of certain physical traits of the animals involved onto specific

characteristic features of humans.

2.1.1. In Search of Parallels from Other Periods in the History ofEnglish

Fair enough, other animal species belonging to the conceptual categoiy

DOMESTICATED ANIMALS have also been subject to zoosemic

98

99

1883), started to be applied to a high-

standing horse (1788>1824). In the middle of the 19th century - via zoosemic

cxtension - the lexical category acąuired the sense 'a very tali man' (1857>?).112

Moreover, at the end of the century it was used in the extended sense 'a rider on

one of the high cycles formerly in use'113 (1892>?).

As pointed out by the OED and ODEE, Mod.E. crock corresponds to

Mod.Norw. krakelkrakje 'a siekły, weakly or emaciated beast', Mod.Sw. krake,

Mod.Dan. kraklkrakke, Mid.Du. kraecke 'a broken-down horse'. In the 19,h

century English the analysed word developed the sense 'a broken down horse'

(1879>1892) and secondarily - by the process of animal metaphorisation - it

This last is defined in the 1811 edition of the DVT as 'a foolish fellow; also one who has

never seen his wife's vulva'.

110 Consider the following OED evidence:

1569-70 In causa diff. viz. that she was a horse goodmother water wych. > 1848 You aint like

that old horse-godmother your mother.

111 The following OED examples illustrate the secondary senses of horse:

1806 His wife somewhat pretty and amiable..his eldest daughter good-looking, but his

youngest a third horse. > 1840 Though 'a bit of a horse '..yet he was generally liked by the crew.

112 The following OED ąuotation illustrates this sense of the word:

1857 I say, old sky-scraper, is it cold up there?

113 Consider the following OED ąuotation:

1892 Riders of the ordinary [cycle]..are few and far between, and are often derisively styled

'sky-scrapers'.

100

101

sliirlcel U) be employed as a designation for 'a physically debilitated person; a

physical wreck' (19"'>20,h centuries).114

As cvidcnced by WTNIDU, fussock - a dialectal word for donkey (17lh

ccnlury>Mod.E.) - is of unknown origin and - metaphorically - at the turn of

Ihc 17" and 18,h century it started to designate a coarse, fat woman

(170O1868). ' The OED argues that porker, fonned from the noun pork (cf.

Mod.Fr. porc, Mod.lt. porco, Mod.Sp. puerco - ultimately L. porc-us 'swine,

hog') and the suffbc -er, entered the English lexicon in the second half of the

17th century as 'a swine or pig raised for food' (1657>1884). At the end of the

19,h century porker acąuired the sense 'a fat or porcine person' (1892>1959)."6

Finally, fox 'an animal of the genus Yulpes" (9,h century>Mod.E.), which

corresponds to O.E. fox, Mod.Du. vos, Mod.G. fuchs, in U.S. slang is a

designation for 'a beautiful, sexy woman'"7 (20th>21st centuries).118

2.2.2. Toiuards Parallels in Other Languages: Russian, Polish, Dutch,

Norwegiem, Irish, Spanish, Italian, Sanskrit, Hebreiu, Hungarian and Basąue

In a number of other languages - both Indo-European and non-Indo-

European - a similar mechanism, whereby animal names are employed to

designate A HUMAŃ BEING CHARACTERISED IN TERMS OF PHYSICAL

PROPERTIES AND APPEARANCE, seems to be eąually productive. And so,

in Mod.Norw. okse 'an ox' is used secondarily in the sense 'a big, hungry

person', hingst 'a stallion' > 'a strong, good-looking man', grisunge 'a piglet'

> 'a dirty child'. In Mod.Russ."9 koóuna 'a marę' is commonly used with the

secondary meaning 'a tali, clumsy woman'. On the other hand, MOKpan Kypm/a

'a wet hen' designates a person who looks unhappy and arouses our sympathy

or contempt.

This sense-thread of the analysed word emerges from the following OED ąuotations:

1876 Hare sher cumes at learst... Th'little doiling crocló, > 1969 Physicians..blame the patient

by labeling him a 'crock'- medical slang for a neurotic complainer.

5 The following OED data testify to this sense-thread offussock:

al700 A Fat Fussocks, a Flusom, Fat, Strapping Woman. > 1868 'Nay,' cried Billy; 'thae'rt

noan beawn to run off thi bargain becose o' this fuzzock makin' her din, arto?'

1 Consider the following OED ąuotations:

1892 He is a real Balzackian figure-a regular porker, coarse, vulgar, vain, cunning,

mendacious. > 1959 The unfortunate fat boy.., is known as: back end of a bus.. porker, [etc.].

17 This sense emerges from the following OED data:

1963 A cat in hot pursuit of a chick or fox is said to have his nose wide open. > 1970 Afox is

a girl. Afox is a chick, you see?

Cf. Mod.Pol. kociak 'a kitten' or sikorka 'titmouse' both used in the sense 'an attractive

young girl'.

Throughout this work Russian examples are, unless otherwise stated, quoted from CweroB

and IllBeflOBa (1998).

Moreover, in Mod.Pol. szkapa 'a nag, hack' is secondarily employed in the

sense 'a person who is too thin', kobyła 'an old marę' is a secondary designation

for 'a woman who is too fat', while prosię 'a piglet' acąuires the secondary

sense 'a sloppy, untidy person'. Szczeniak 'a puppy' and its female equivalent

szczeniara are freąuently applied opprobriously to 'a person who is too young'.

Similarly, Mod.lt. cavalla 'a horse-(fem./sing.) is used to describe 'a big and

ungraceful woman' and cavallona 'a horse-(aug. fem./sing.) is a secondary

designation for 'a very big and clumsy woman'. Additionally, as argued by

Kleparski (1988:174), Mod.Du. paard 'a horse' - similarly to Mod.E. dog -

developed the metaphorical sense 'an ugly woman' and varken 'a pig' is

freąuently employed in the sense 'a dirty person'; Mod.Sp. vaca 'a cow' > 'a fat

woman' and Sanskrit aj a 'a goat' aj a-gandhika 'ill smelling' (see Komboj

(1986)).

Not only the names of domesticated animals are widely employed to

describe human appearance and various physical characteristics, but also the

names of wild animals are - in a similar manner - used for that purpose. And so,

in Mod.Russ. CJIOH 'an elephant'120 is taken to designate a tali, mighty and

clumsy person, medeedb 'a bear' > 'a person clumsy in movements or

behaviour', nacmoHKa 'a swallow' > 'a beautiful girl/woman', COKOJI 'a falcon' >

'an eagle-eyed person'; Mod.Sl. pipiśka 'a little bird with a topknot' > 'a girl,

young woman, usually tiny, vivid', tućniak 'a penguin' > 'a fat person', svrćek 'a

cricket' > 'a little child, a tiny person', chrust 'a May beetle' > 'a week, tiny

person', źirafa 'a giraffe' > 'a tali and slim person', żaba 'a frog' > a young

girl'; Mod.Sp. ballena 'a whale' is metaphorically applied to a fat person,

cachalote 'a cachalot' - secondarily 'a fat person' and foca 'a seal' is used in the

sense 'a fat person, particularly a woman'; Mod.Norw. , bj0rn 'a bear' > 'a

strong person', stinkdyr 'a skunk' > 'a smelly person', muldyr 'a mole' > 'a

person who is good at digging', pafugl 'a peacock' > 'a well-dressed woman',

stankelben 'a crane' > 'a person with long legs', snegl 'a snail' > 'an incredibly

slow person', kameleon 'a chameleon' > 'a person that is good in disguising'.

Additionally, as argued by Kleparski (1988:174), Mod.Du. pad 'a toad' is

freąuently employed in the extended sense 'an ugly person' and Mod.Ir. eala 'a

swan' acąuires the secondary meaning 'a beautiful, attractive woman'.

Finally, one must not ignore the fact that the conceptual dimension

APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS is - in a likewise manner - also

productive in non-Indo-European languages, e.g. Mod.Heb.121 zviya 'a deer' > 'a

beautiful, delicate woman',12" Mod.Basąue poxpolina 'a young partridge' > 'a

120 Cf. Polish słoń 'an elephant' applied to 'a clumsy person', e.g. słoń w składzie porcelany,

literally, 'an elephant in a china shop' which corresponds to English a buli in a china shop.

121 Hebrew data are borrowed from Sappan (1983).

122 Consider Mod.Pol. lania 'a hind' used in the sense 'a beautiful girl'.

charming person' and Mod.Hu. maci 'a bear' > 'a big, yet kind and delicatc

person', ózike 'a fawn' > 'a fragile, frail woman', viziló 'a hippopotamus' > 'a

person with enormous body', vakond 'a mole' > 'a short-sighted person', beka 'a

frog' > 'an ugly person', tóltótt gałamb 'a stuffed pigeon' > 'a plump young

woman', gebe 'a jadę' > 'a very thin person', csirke 'a chicken' > 'a pretty girl',

tehen 'a cow' > 'a fat woman', bika 'a buli' > 'a strong person'.

2.1.3. Further Obseroations and Partial Conclusions

From the analysis of the zoosems carried out in this section, which at sonie

stage of their semantic history came to embody the conceptual dimension

APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS, the foliowing radial structure

can be postulated:

Figurę 11. h radial structure illustrating the relationship between the conceptual categories

HUMAŃ BEING/DOMESTICATED ANIMAL and the conceptual sphere

APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS.

Having examined the relevant data, one may try to formulate a number of

preliminary conclusions. First and foremost, the process whereby the names of

domesticated animals start to designate appearance/physical characteristics is

not only typical for English but may be said to be extremely productive in other

languages like, for example Polish, where szkapa 'a nag, hack' is secondarily

employed in the sense 'a person who is too thin', while kobyła 'an old marę' is a

secondary designation for 'a person who is too fat'; szczeniak 'a puppy' and its

female equivalent szczeniara are freąuently applied to 'a person who is too

young'; Mod.Russ. koóujia 'a marę' is commonly used with the secondary

meaning 'a tali clumsy woman', MOKpcm Kypuija 'a wet hen' designates 'a person

who looks unhappy and arouses our sympathy or contempt'. Thus, it should be

stressed that the secondary sense-threads of the lexical categories analysed here

may be understood in terms of an entrencliment relation to the attributive path of

DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE

[...], for which such conceptual elements as, for example,

(FAT)/(THIN)/(UGLY)/(BEAUTIFUL) are highlighted.

Second, the analysis of the English data shows that - interestingly - the

families EOUTDAE and FELIPAE, and not CANIDAE, are the most common

source of terms embodying the conceptual dimension APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL

CHARACTERISTICS. The number of animal terms that have been analysed (cob,

kitling, roił, harridan, pussycat, tabby, horse (godmother), crock, fussock, fox,

pussycat, tit, sky-scraper, dog, porker and fox), which in the history of English

have undergone zoosemic shift via the conceptual dimension in ąuestion is

considerably smaller than in the case of other conceptual zones to be discussed

in further sections of this chapter. However, one finds grounds to claim that

although the mechanism of zoosemy involving the conceptual dimension

APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS is not so common, one may

certainly talk about a certain degree of productivity of the said conceptual

sphere in the process of zoosemic extension in the history of English and other

languages.

The latter metaphor, that is the process which involves the shift in the

directionality of mapping from a lower to a higher level on the GCB, comprises

the following cases:

Third, this section provides further evidence that the process of

metaphorisation discernible in the analysis of the data in the present section is

bi-directional, that is either acąuiring the form ANIMAL > HUMAŃ or

HUMAŃ > ANIMAL. It was pointed out in Chapter 1 that the structure of the

GCB is characterised by its bi-directionality, which involves upward and

downward mapping of attributes. Thus, it needs to be emphasised that zoosems

related to the conceptual sphere APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL

CHARACTERISTICS represent two metaphors coherent with the structure of

GCB, that is and . The former metaphor, that is the process based on

downward mapping involving the transfer of attributes from the source domain

which oceupies a higher position on the GCB than the target domain, referred to

as reversed zoosemic extension, is represented by the following example:

104

105

Additionally, it must be pointed out that the list of metaphors diagrammed

above includes both simple (uni-thread) cases, e.g. and complex (multi-thread)

examples, eg. , . As argued before, the existence of multi-thread metaphors points

clearly to the fact that the mechanism of zoosemy is by no means intemally

uniform and unidirectional, but rather gradual, based on our knowledge,

experience and perception of the world. The semantic change is, therefore, as

freąuently emphasised in the literaturę, the mechanism which is deeply rooted in

experience and based on graduality and developmental processes.

Finally, it turns out that some of the metaphorical transfers analysed in this

section are pejorative in character, e.g. , , others like e.g. are to be regarded as positive, or at least neutral, that is

devoid of evaluatively negative load. hiterestingly, there are no metaphors that

might be classified as (mildly) complimentary.

Last but not least, it must be noted that not all of the metaphorical

extensions analysed here are related exclusively to the conceptual dimension

APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS. Quite the opposite, some of

the metaphors are also clearly linked to other conceptual spheres, e.g. the

conceptual zonę MORALITY (). Clearly, this observation points to the fact that meaning

construal may be said to be based on cross-domain mappings involving several

different conceptual dimensions.

2.2. Conceptual Dimension BEHAVIOUR/CHARACTER: mule, colt,

ass, dog, whelp, hound, curtal, hilding, dogbolt, holdfast, puppy,

filly, grimalkin and stray

Wierzbicka (1992:201-222) provides a thought-provoking analysis of the

concepts of courage, braveiy and recklessness which are regarded as basie

human character traits. It appears that our analysis shows that animal names may

serve as a means through which these concepts may be embodied. Thus, the

purpose of this section is to examine to which extent the conceptual dimension

BEHAVIOUR/CHARACTER is to be held responsible for mappings leading to

the zoosemic shift DOMESTICATED ANIMAL > A HUMAN BEING

CHARACTERISED IN TERMS OF BEHAVIOUR/CHARACTER. Below, we

focus on the zoosemic development of a number of lexical items, namely mule,

colt, ass, dog, whelp, hound, curtal, hilding, dogbolt, holdfast, puppy, filly,

grimalkin and stray.

MULE: (15th>19fh centuries)

(15th>18th centuries)

(17lh century)

(19th century)

(20th>21st centuries)

According to the ODEE, mule is of Romance origin and it corresponds to

the O.E. mul, which is akin to L. mulus, Mod.Fr. mule, Mod.Sp. and Mod.lt.

mulo/mula. The L. mulus was adopted at an early period into most of the

Germanie languages: Mod.Du. muil, early Mod.G. Maul, Mod.Sw. mula,

Mod.Dan. mule (see ODEE). As pointed out by the OED, the animal combines

the strength of the horse with the endurance and surefootedness of the ass and is

extensively bred for certain purposes for which it is morę suited than either; it is

ordinarily incapable of procreation. Be it as it may, with no good grounds, the

mule is a proverbial type of obstinacy.123

As evidenced by the OED, the lexical item mule entered written English at

the outset of the llth century in the sense 'the offspring of a he-ass and a marę or

123 As argued by Palmatier (1995:263), the mule has a reputation of being the stubbomest

animal in the world, although it is no morę stubborn than its father, the jackass, and its

stubbornness is morę often than not caused by its understandable unwillingness to carry a load

a she-ass and a stallion (technically called a hinny)' (1000>Mod.E). In terms of

the analytical tools put into use here, the primary sense of mule is explicable in

terms of the foregrounding of such conceptually central elements as (EQUINE:

OFFSPRING OF A HE-ASS AND A MARĘ), (EPICENE) and (ADULT)

presupposed for the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...],

DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...] respectively. The

following OED ąuotations illustrate this sense-thread of mule:

clOOO Ne beo 3e na swylce hors and mulas.

Z

1875 You might as well affirm the existence of mules, and deny that of horses and asses.

At the close of the 15,h century - by the process of animal metaphorisation -

the analysed lexical item started to be used in the sense 'a stup id or obstinate

person'124 (see Rawson (1989:261)) (14701848). According to Palmatier

(1995:263), in Mod.E. to be mulish or mule-headed (see Rawson (1989:261))

means 'to be obstinate, unreasonable, inflexible or stubborn'. The account of

this secondary sense involves the highlighting of the conceptually central values

(HUMAŃ), (EPICENE) and (ADULT) forming parts of the attributive paths of

such CDs as DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and

DOMAIN OF AGE [...], respectively, attended by the highlighting of the

relevant location within the attributive path of DOMAIN OF CHARACTER

AND BEHAVIOUR [...], with the evaluatively negative elements

(STUPID)A(OBSTINATE) activated. This metaphorical sense-thread of mule

emerges from the following OED ąuotations:

cl470 Thaugh he were an asse hede or a dulle mule, He myght not lyve wildly at his

pleasance.

fi

1848 'Now don't be a young mule', said Good Mrs. Brown.

Another metaphorical sense which developed towards the end of the 15 '

century - via zoosemic extension - was that of 'a stmmpet, concubine'

(1494>1746). To account for this sense-thread of mule, apart from positing the

link to the already specified conceptually central CDs and their attributive

values, one can speak of the rise of an entrenchment relation to the attributive

path of the peripheral DOMAIN OF MORALITY [...], for which the

negatively charged attributive values (STRUMPET)A(CONCUBINE) are

brought to the fore. The following OED ąuotations illustrate this sense of

mule:

124 See also ATWS and BDPF.

1494 Ye Cardinal madę sharpe processe agayn prestys, yt noresshed Cństen-jnoyles, &

rebuked them by open publysshement and otherwyse.

1638 Trudging between an old moil, and a young calf, my nimbie intelligencer?

1746 A zower-zop'd, yerring, chockling Trash, a buzzom-chuck'd haggaging Moyle, a

gurt Fustilug.

In the first half of the 17lh centuiy there originated yet another metaphorical

sense of mule, namely 'one who is neither one thing nor the other'. Similarly to

Ihe previous two sense-threads in the case of which the same conceptually

central CDs are involved, the account of this novel meaning of the word in

ąuestion necessitates positing an entrenchment link to the relevant location

within the attributive path of the conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF

ORIGIN AND SOCIAL STATUS [...], with the attributive element

(UNSPECIFIED) foregrounded. The following OED ąuotation testifies to the

relevant sense of the analysed word:

1625 I wonder what religion hee's of! Fit. No certaine species surę, A kinde of w w/e!

That's halfe an Ethnicke, halfe a Christian!

Interestingly, as noted by Partridge (2002:765), at the end of the 19(h centuiy

mule, being the name of the animal unable to multiply, gave rise to the

metaphorical sense 'a sexually impotent man' (1870>?). In this case one is

prompted to posit an entrenchment relation to the attributive path of the

peripheral DOMAIN OF SEXUAL ACTIVITY [...], for which the value

(SEXUALLY IMPOTENT) is activated.

Finally, at the outset of the 20* century in American slang the word mule12''

developed the sense 'a drug-trafficker' (1935>1959). On our interpretation, the

explication of this sense-thread involves the activation of the conceptually

peripheral evaluatively negative value (DRUG-TRAFFICKER) presupposed for

Ihe attributive path of DOMAIN OF PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONS

[...]. The following OED evidence illustrates this sense-thread of mule:

i3 As the evidence ąuoted from the OED shows, other applications of mule include among,

other things: 'a hybrid - used of plants' used in the 17lh>19lh centuries, e.g. 1727-41 Mules, among

gardeners, denote a sort of vegetable monsters produced by putting the farina fścundans of one

species of plant into the pistil, or utricle of another'; used of animals in the 18,'1>19lh centuries, e.g.

1771 The mules between caip and tench, partake of the naturę of both fish; 'a kind of spinning

machinę invented by S. Crompton' in the 18"'>19'h centuries , e.g. 1797 It is called a mule, being a

kind of mixture of machinery between the warp-machine of Mr. Arkwright and the woof-machine

or hand-jenny of Mr. Hargrave; 'a large triangular sail sometimes used on a ketch' (20lh>21st

centuries), e.g. 1932 Tidal wave', winner of the race, at the start, with the mule pulling aloft and

motor pushing below'.

108

109

I (>,(5 Mnl,\ person who carries dope for a drug trafficker and passes drug to buyer after a

sali' has hcon mado.

0

1959 I bought from him a coupla times. He was a mule, Dad. That means he pushed (o

other kids.

Thus, it emerges from our discussion of the semantic evolution of mule that al

the outset of the E.Mod.E. period the analysed lexical category started to function

as a term related not only to the conceptual zonę BEHAYIOURICHARACTER

(15,h>l9th centuries), but also to the conceptual spheres ORIGIN/SOCIAL STATUS

(17,h century), MORALITY(15,h>18,h centuries), SEXUAL ACTIVITY(\9[h century)

and PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONS (20lh century).

COLT:

(13,h>20,h centuries)

(17th century)

(18th>19th

centuries)

As evidenced by etymological sources (e.g. the ODEE, OED), the word

colt is of obscure origin, but its cognates are present in other Germanie

languages, e.g. Mod.Sw. dialectal kult 'a pig, hardy boy', Mod.Du. kuld, 'a

brood, family', Mod.Dan. koltring 'a big lad'. According to WTNIDU, colt is

akin to O.N. kjolta 'a lap, skirt' and O.E. cild 'child'. Its historically primary

meaning - as pointed out by the OED - is that of 'the young of the horse to

the age of 4, or in the case of a thoroughbred, 5 years, or of animals of the

horse kind'. In Holy Scriptures it is also applied to the young of the camel.

According to the OED, the first oceurrence of the analysed lexical item in

written English can be traced back to the beginning of the li"1 century

(1000>1887). On our interpretation, the semantics of the primary sense of colt

is accountable for in terms of an entrenchment link to the attributive paths of

the three CDs, that is DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...]

and DOMAIN OF AGE [...], which constme the conceptual core of the

analysed sense and for which such attributive values as (EQUINE),

(EPICENE) and (YOUNG) are activated. The following exemplary contexts

from the OED illustrate this sense-thread of colt:

clOOO 3efolra olfend myrena mid heora coltum..and xx ass myrena mid heora tyn coltun.

Z

1887 A messenger is sent very early in the morning..to the moorman of a ąuarter,

ordering him to drive his ąuarter, say for ponieś, or colts, as tliey are called in drift

language.

By the process of zoosemy, colt has eonie to be applied figuratively - as

humorous or slang expression - to people having the characteristics of a colt:

'a young or inexperienced person', 'a lively or spirited person' or 'a lascivious

lellow, a wanton'.126 Thus, colt, the animal might be said to be a symbol of

carefreeness typical of young age. This clearly emerges from the semantics of

llie expression to have a colts tooth 'to be fond of youthful pleasures'

(14,h>19th centuries). According to Palmatier (1995:90), in Mod.E. the context

to be coltish means 'to be frisky, froliesome or playful; to be uninhibited or

undisciplined. An elderly person is said to be coltish when he sheds his

inhibitions and begins to behave like a young colt or becomes as frisky as a

voung colt. On the other hand, coltish behaviour in younger persons is seen as

a sign of lack of discipline or control (see Palmatier (1995:90)).

The metaphorical development of colt goes back to the 13th century

(1225>1986), but, as we can see, the evidence is scattered throughout the

centuries. In terms of our analytical apparatus, we can say that for the

analysed sense of colt the highlighting of the conceptually central value

(HUMAŃ) is attended by the activation of the elements (EPICENE) and

(YOUNG/ADULT), specified for the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF SEX

|...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...], as well as the foregrounding of the

conceptually peripheral values (LIVELY)A(INEXPERIENCED)A(SPIRITED)

and (LASCIVIOUS) forming parts of the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF

CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR [...] and DOMAIN OF MORALITY

|...], respectively. The following OED ąuotations testify to this sense-thread of

colt:

al225 Euer beo acurset colt of swuch cunde.

fi

a 1592 Come on, in faith, my colts.

cl690 Colt..also a Lad newly bound Prentice.

1722 She was a wild, untamed colt.

1846 Edward Bushby..was regarded as the most promising 'colt', who had come out for

several years.

1873 Colt, a person who sits as juryman for the first time. Colt, a professional cricketer

during his first season.

1986 The RFU will expect clubs promoted to higher leagues to..run a colts team.

At the beginning of the 17,h century the lexical item acąuired another

extended meaning — that of 'a cunning fellow, a cheat' (1624>1690). According

to Wright (1898-1905:703), in the 19,h century colt was a term of contempt

applied to a man. Moreover, as argued by Partridge (2002:240), in the 17lh

century colt was used for a man (especially an inn-keeper) that hires horses to

See Also ATWS, BDPF, GTP and 1RCD.

highwaymen, thieves or burglars and a lad newly initiated into roguery

(17th>early 19th centuries). Apart from the involvement of the conceptually

central CDs and attributive values specified above, the rise of the new sense-

tliread may be explained by positing yet another link to the attributive paths of

the conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL

FUNCTIONS [...], DOMAIN OF CHARACTER AND BEIIAVIOUR [...],

as well as DOMAIN OF MORALITY [...] with the simultaneous actuation of

the attributive values (INN-KEEPER), (CUNNfNG) and evaluatively negative

(CHEAT)A(ROGUE) respectively The following OED ąuotations testify to the

existence of this no vel sense-tliread of co///

1624 Aii old trick, by which C. Verres, like a cunning colt, often holp him at a pinch.

Z

cl690 Colt, an Inn-keeper that lends a Horse to a Highway-man.

hi legał slang, in the second half of the 18th century, colt121 was used with

reference to the barrister that attended on a serj eant-at-law at his induction

(1765>1889) and, according to Partridge (2002:240), towards the close of the 19th

century it was used in yet another sense 'one acting as a juryman for the first time

(1860>1890). Moreover, Wright (1898-1905:703) argues that in the 18,h century

colt was used in the sense 'a boy articled to a clothier for three or four years' and

'a person entering upon a new employment or office (e.g. to shoe the colt 'to make

a novice pay his footing').128 The rise of the relevant sense is accountable for in

terms of an entrenchment link to the attributive path of DOMAIN OF

PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONS [...], for which the attributive values

(BARRISTER)A(JURYMAN) become prominent. This sense-thread of colt

emerges from the following OED ąuotations:

1765 Then Mr. Bailey, his colt, delivered his rings to the Lord Chancellor.

Z

1889 The co/f..walks in [pone] behind his principal, and it is said that the term 'colt' is

merely a parody on that Latin word.

Thus, it emerges from our discussion of the semantic evolution of colt that

already in the course of the Mid.E. period the analysed lexical category started

127 As the OED ąuotations show, in the 16lh>18th centuries, in its verbal use, colt

was employed in the sense 'to frisk or run wild as a colt (usually implying

wantonness)': 1596 Shooke of theyr bridels, and began to colt anew, morę licentiously

then before. > 1746 A colting Hobby-horse [said of a woman]. In the 16" >17u

centuries, the newly acąuired meaning was that of 'to befool, cheat, take in': 1580

There was Cicero finely colted, as old as he was, by a young man. > 1618 What, are

we bob'd thus still, colted and carted?

128 SeealsoGrose (1790).

I o function as a tenn related to the conceptual zones

BEHAYIOUR/CHARACTER, MORALITY (13th>20th centuries), and later- at the

outset of the Mod.E. period - it was linked to the conceptual sphere

PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONS (18th>l 9,h centuries).

ASS: 19th centuries)

(16th>19th centuries)

Most of the major etymological sources (e.g. ODEE, EDME, CEDEL) agree

that the word ass corresponds to O.E. assalesol, Mod.G. Esel, Mod.Du. ezel and

L. asinus. According to WTNIDU, the analysed lexical category entered the

English lexicon at the beginning of the llth century and was originally used in

Ihe sense 'a long-eared eąuine smaller than a horse'129 (1000>1782). The OED

informs us that in familiar use, the name ass is now to a great extent superseded

by donkey (in Scotland cuddie); but ass is always used in the language of

Scripture, Natural Histoiy, proverb and fable; also, in ordinary use, in Hiberno-

linglish.

Therefore, in an attempt to account for the historically primary sense of ass

one must posit an entrenchment relation to the attributive path of DOMAIN OF

SPECIES [...], for which the attributive value (EQUINE) is brought to the fore.

The activation of this conceptual value is attended by the highlighting of the

attributive element (EPICENE) specifiable for DOMAIN OF SEX [...], as well

as the foregrounding of the attributive values (ADULT) and (SMALL)A(LONG-

EARED) forming parts of the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF AGE [...] and

DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE

|...] respectively. The following exemplary contexts extracted from the OED

illustrate this sense-thread ofass:

clOOO Se assa 3eseah pone engel.

Z

1782 While he spoke, a braying ass Did sing most loud and elear.

Notice that at the outset of the 17,h century - by the process of zoosemic

cxtension - ass began its metaphorical drift. The secondary meaning it acąuired

at that time was 'a beast of burden' (1614>1635). Thus the 17lh century evidence

Palmatier (1995:8) notices that the ass, or donkey, has always had a lower position of

respectability than the horse, either because of its smaller size (it is hard to ride) or its greater

obstinance (it is hard to control).

112

113

given below justifies positing links relating the semantics of this sense-thread to

the relevant location specifiable for the attributive patii of DOMAIN Ol*'

SPECIES [...], such as (HUMAŃ), the relevant location (EPICENE) within the

attributive path of DOMAIN OF SEX [...], as well as the activation of the

element (ADULT) presupposed for the attributive path of DOMAIN OF AGE

[...] and - simultaneously - the highlighting of the attributive value (BEAST OF

BURDEN) forming one of the attributive elements of DOMAIN OF

PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONS [...]. The following OED ąuotations

illustrate the extended sense of ass:

1614 Hc.makes himselŁ.an Asse; and thereby teacheth others, either how to ride, or driuc

him.

1635 This Kingdome..usually stiled the popes Asse, which hee rode at his pleasure, til she

was able to beare him no longer.

The OED theorises that - through the process of metaphorical extension -

the ass has, sińce the time of the Greeks, figured in fables and proverbs as the

type of clumsiness, ignorance, and stupidity; hence many phrases and

proverbial expressions featuring the animal. In this evaluatively negative sense

the lexical category ass was used in English already at the beginning of the

13,h century (120O1868). As argued by Rawson (1989:22), the four-legged

species of ass is meant whenever the allusion is madę to slowness,

foolishness, stupidity or clumsiness - ąualities that have been attributed to the

animal from time immemorial.130 The most freąuent expressions featuring ass

as a symbol of stupidity are complete ass, clumb ass, half ass, horse s ass,

stupid ass and wise ass.

Thus, in terms of the mechanisms adopted here, the semantics of the sense-

thread in ąuestion is accountable for in terms of an entrenchment link to the

attributive paths of the three - already specified - conceptually central CDs

attended by the activation of the conceptually peripheral attributive values

(CLUMSY)A(STUPID)A(IGNORANT) specifiable for the attributive path of

DOMAIN OF CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR [...]. The following OED

data illustrate this sense-thread of ass:

cl200 Mannkiim..skillses swa summ asse.

cl400 Wan an vndiscret is maad bischop in be kirk, ban is an hornid asse born ber in.

n

1868 An unlettered king is a crowned ass.

From the beginning of the 16 ' century the expressions to make an ass oj"'to

treat as an ass, stultify' and to make an ass of oneself 'to behave absurdly,

stultify oneself were in common use (15901843). Moreover, at the close of the

16th century, ass acąuired the sense 'an ignorant fellow, a perverse fool, a

conceited dolt' (1578>1866). On our interpretation, in order to account for the

semantics of the above sense-threads one is justified to posit yet another

entrenchment link to the attributive path of the conceptually peripheral

DOMAIN OF CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR [...], for which the

attributive values (ABSURD)A(STULTIFIED) and (FOOL)A(IGNORANT)

become prominent. The following OED contexts document the novel sense-

Ihreads of ass:

1578 Landleapers, roges, and ignorant asses.

1590 This is to make an asse of me, to fright me, if they could.

1843 Lord Dudley de Vere, the most confounded puppy, and the emptiest ass.

1866 They could not be deprived of the common right of Englishmen to make asses of

themselves if they liked it.

Thus, it emerges from our discussion of ass that already in the course of the

Mid.E. period the analysed lexical category started to function as a term related

to the conceptual zonę BEHAVIOUR/CHARACTER (13th century>Mod.E.), and

later - towards the end of the E.Mod.E. period - it was linked to the conceptual

sphere PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONS (17th century).

DOG: (14th>19th centuries)

(17th>l9fh centuries)

(19th century)

(19th>20'"

centuries)

The etymological sources that have been consulted (see ODEE, EDME) are

unanimous that the lexical category dog corresponds to late O.E. doega,

Mod.Du. dog, Mod.Dan. dogge, Mod.Sw. dogg, Mod.Fr. dogue, Mod.lt. and

Mod.Sp. dogo; in all the languages applied to sonie variety or race of dog. The

animal itself, according to Jaffe (2001) and Biedermann (1992), is one of the

first domesticated animals.131 It is understandable that from earliest times dogs

were used for a variety of cultural and ritual purposes: for food, as watchdogs, in

hunting. Symbolically, they are associated with loyalty and vigilance, often

See ATWS and IRCD.

bl Dog bones are found in caves as early as the Mesolithic.

ncling as guardians and protectors. Also, dogs are portrayed as guides and

coinpanions, hence Ihe associated notion of 'man's best friend.' Moreover, they

arc oflcn associated with art and cunning, as they can be trained to do thc

greatest variety of jobs.

Yet, while rarely becoming negative symbols, they do have certa i n

unfavorable characteristics. They can be referred to as depraved animals, used as

objects of epithets and curses cast at enemies. For example, as argued by Jafic

(2001), the comparative phrase Sick as a dog comes from the notion that dogs

return to their vomit. They can even be viewed as a source of hatred, as thc

ąuotation from the Bibie suggests: dogs, and sorcery, and whoremongers outside

New Jerusalemm People and dogs are often linked, the former being described

in terms of the latter, in such areas as behaviour/character, e.g.

untrustworthiness or, generally, contemptible human conduct (e.g. You

dirtyMle dog!). According to Palmatier (1995:113), the negative connotation of

dog probably derives from the lowly status of the dog among domestic animals.

In spite of the important work that dogs do for humans - hunting, herding and

guarding - they have long been regarded as dirty, lazy, good-for-nothing

animals. Therefore, anything undesirable, such as a homely woman or

ineffective, such as an over-the-hill race horse or unsuccessful, such as a flop

play, can be called a dog (see Palmatier (1995:113)).

As argued by the OED, in the first half of the 11th century dog entered the

English lexicon and was used in the sense 'a ąuadruped of the genus Canis'

(1050>1869). In terms of our analysis, we may say that for the original sense

of dog the foregrounding of the value (CANINE) specified for the attributive

path of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...] is attended by the activation of the

elements (EPICENE) and (ADULT) presupposed for the attributive paths of

DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...]. The following evidence

extracted from the OED testifies to this sense-thread of dog:

cl050 [Gloss to] canum [gen. pi.] docgena.

Z

1869 The dog in the East is not as here domesticated, but..outside the cities, is morę like

a wolf prowling for prey.

Other symbolical concepts associated with dogs include the following: a scavenger, envy,

flattery, fury, war, greed, pitiless, bragging and folly.

Consider the following OED ąuotation: 1592 O Buckingham, take heed of younder dogi

Look, when he fawns, and when he bites, His venom will rankle to the death.

1 In the 20!1 century dog was also used in American slang with reference to 'a horse that is

slow and difficult to handle'. Consider the following OED ąuotations:

1944 Dog, affectionate term for cavalryman's horse, also called a job. > 1958 A 'dog' means

a horse who cannot be relied upon to do his best..a horse may be a 'dog' because there is

something wrong with him.

At the beginning of the 1411 century the primary meaning of dog was

narrowed to a dog used for hunting; a hound (1307>1748), and in the second

half of the 16* century the word started to be applied to the małe of this species;

a małe hound (1577>1890). In terms of the framework adopted here, one may

say that in the case of the 14th century change in meaning of the analysed word

I here is a rise of an entrenchment link to the attributive path of the conceptually

peripheral DOMAIN OF FUNCTIONS [...], for which the attributive element

(FOR HUNTING) is activated, while, as far as the 16fh century modification is

concemed, the conceptually central element (MAŁE) is brought to the fore. The

analysed sense-threads of dog emerge from the following OED ąuotations:

a 1307 A doseyn ofdoggen Ne myhte hyre drawe.

z

1577 The Dogge is thought better than the Bitche.

z

1748 Some gentlemen of the Town always keep a Pack of Dogs.

Z

1890 The man who knows and loves his hound only uses the word dog, as he does the

word bitch, to denote sex.

Notice that - by the process of animal metaphor - already at the beginning of

the 14th century dog started to be applied to a person in reproach, abuse or

contempt in the sense 'a worthless, despicable, surly or cowardly fellow'135

(1325>1880). Rawson (1989:119) notices that although the dog is the first of the

animals to be domesticated, yet it is also a standard symbol of inferiority, [...]

abused linguistically in so many ways that one prefers to pass by in silence the

ąuestion ofwhat it says about man that he is so ready, in effect, to kick his oldest

and best friend in the teeth. Here, the semantics of this novel sense is accountable

for in terms of an entrenchment link to the attributive paths of the conceptually

central DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN

OF AGE [...] for which the highlighting of the attributive values (HUMAN),

(EPICENE) and (ADULT/YOUNG) is attended by the activation of the attributive

elements (WORTHLESS), (SURLY) A(COWARDLY)A(DESPICABLE) and

(CONTEMPTIBLE) presupposed for the attributive paths of the conceptually

peripheral DOMAIN OF UTDLITY [...], DOMAIN OF CHARACTER AND

BEHAVIOUR [...] and DOMAIN OF ABUSE [...]. The following OED

ąuotations testify to this secondaiy sense-thread of dog:

cl325 Jhon Doyly..slowgh hym..And sayde: 'Dogge, ther thou ly!'

Z

1880 If I left them..To these Inąuisition dogs and the devildoms of Spain.

135 See also ATWS, NDAS, HDAS, CDS, DEI, IRCD, BDPF and CASD.

116

117

At the begimiing of the 17 ' century the semantics of dog ameliorated as the

word was used playfully (usually in humorous reproof, congratulation 01

commiseration) in the sense 'a gay or jovial man, a gallant' (1618>1910). It was

usually used with adjectives such as cwmingjolly, hicky, sad, sly, etc.136 In this

case the semantics of the newly-developed sense-thread - apart from the

network of entrenchment relations to the attributive paths of the conceptually

central CDs - is explicable in terms of the rise of another entrenchment link to

the attributive path of DOMAIN OF CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR [...|,

for which the attributive values (GAY)A(JOVIAL)A(GALLANT) beconie

prominent. The following OED ąuotations testify to the rise of this sense-thread

of dog:

al618 My kind Dog..You doe verie well in lugging the Sowes eare [Jas. I], and L.would

have yow doe so still upon condition that yow continue a watchfull dog to him.

Z

1910 He felt rather a gay dog.

At the close of the 19,h century dog137 started to be used in schoolboys' slanj'

in the sense 'a watch-dog' (18701959). Thus, one may say that apart from the

involvement of the conceptually central CDs and attributive values specificd

above, the semantics of this sense-thread may be accounted for by positing yel

another entrenchment link to DOMAIN OF PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL

FUNCTIONS [...] and the activation of the relevant attributive value (WATC11

DOG). The following OED ąuotations illustrate this sense-thread of dog:

1870 The boys withdrew..to read the forbidden prints, three taking their turn at a tinie,

whilst three morę 'played dog' - that is, stood ready to bark a warning should a pion be

seen approaching.

n

1959 In Kirkaldy watch-dog [i.e., a boy keeping lookout] becomes either 'watchie' oi

'dog'.

Dialectally, in the 19lh century American and Australian slang the lexical

categoiy dog developed the sense 'an informer; a traitor'138 (1846>1969). On

our interpretation, the semantics of this novel sense-thread is explicable in terms

,j6 On the possible impact of ąualifying adjectives on the semantics of nouns see Kleparski

(1988, 1996).

b7 In the 20" century American slang dog was used in the sense 'something poor oi

mediocre; a failure'. The following OED exemplary contexts testify to this sense-thread of dog:

1936 'Dog, something [i.e. a song] that's kicked around' > 1970 'Audiences are in a mess...

They don't know what they want... So many movies are dogs'.

Cf. Mod.Pol. piesek 'dim. dog! and secondarily 'an informer'.

ni' entrenchment links to the attributive paths of the conceptually peripheral

DOMAIN OF PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONS [...] and DOMAIN

OK CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR [...] and the foregrounding of the

negatively tinted attributive values (INFORMER) and (TRAITOR) respectively.

1'liis recent sense-thread of dog is attested by the following OED ąuotations:

1846 Dick White has been playing the 'dog', and he and the 'coppers' are now within ten

minutes of the house.

1969 A 'dog' is the term applied by prisoners to fellow-prisoners who tum informer.

Finally, according to Partridge (2002:323), in the 20th century dog129

.iequired the following senses: 'a beggar-searcher for cigarette-ends' (ca. 1934),

a plain-clothes railway detective' (ca. 1942, Aus.), 'a police 'shadow" (sińce

I920s, Aus.), 'one who assists the authorities to make an arrest' (current in early

1970s) and 'an unpleasant, ugly girl/a slag' (early 1980s, U.S.) or 'an

nnattractive woman' (sińce 1950) (see Palmatier (1995:113)).

As argued by BDPF, in the East the dog is still held in abhorrence, as the

\eavenger of the streets.140 The French say: Crotte comme im barbet 'muddy or

dirty as a poodle', whose hair, being very long, becomes filfhy with mud and

ilirt. Generally speaking, the syntagma a dirty dog is one morally filthy, and is

•ipplied to those who talk and act nastily. Merę skin dirt is ąuite another matter,

■md those who are so defiled are referred to as dirty pigs (see BDPF).

Thus, couched in terms of the theoretical apparatus adopted here, the first

lliree senses may be accounted for in terms of an entrenchment link to the

:illributive path of DOMAIN OF PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONS

|...], while the remaining two sense-threads may be said to involve

entrenchment relations to the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF

APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS [...] and DOMAIN OF

MORALITY [...] respectively.

Notice that, as argued by Palmatier (1995:114), the metaphorical expression

i be dog eat dog conveys the meaning 'to be ruthless and savage'. As the author

139 As pointed out by Palmatier (1995:113), in Mod.E. the context to dog someones footsteps

r. used in the sense 'to follow someone closely and persistently'. Trying to account for the meaning

uf the context, the author claims that a hunting dog is trained to follow the sight or scent of a

dog moves into a manger and refuses to allow an ox to eat the hay that the doj',

itself has no appetite for.

A modern dog in the manger is a person who maintains an 'attractive

nuisance' but denies use of it to others. In the language of government, when the

dogs are in the manger, there is strong opposition to a proposal. As pointed oul

by Mills (1993:67), today dog is used pejoratively in many different adjectival

contexts with connotations of inferiority or unattractiveness, e.g. dog cheap,

dogs body, dog-tired. However, when applied specifically to women dog usually

means something morę derogative. In U.S. slang, for example, dogs dinner

denotes a mess or an unattractive person, but a dog-lady is an ugly prostitute.

Mills (1993:67) observes that whereas dog, when used of a man, can mean

merely disreputable or untrustworthy, when used of a woman it means ugly,

unrefmed or sexually disreputable, or a woman who is boring and does not have

the compensation of beauty. Thus, according to Rawson (1989:119), dog may be

used with reference to an ugly person, often a woman; a worthless141 or

untrustworthy person142 and it is often applied to one's favourite enemies:

Marxists speak of capitalist running dogs, mad dogs or stray dogs; Moslems

refer to Christian dogs and Christians cali a venerable Jew - Dog of an

unbeliever, whelp of a she-wolf (Sir Walter Scott, Ivanhoe, 1820). The

connotations of mediocrity, worthlessness and cowardice are exemplified by

such constructions as (Rawson (1989.T20)): dirty dog 'a contemptible person',

Consider the following Bibie example:

Am I a dog that thou comest to me with staves? (Goliath's complaint to the Hebrew when

they sent a slip of a boy, David, to fight him {I Samuel, 17:43).

142 This emerges from the following example:

O Buckingham, take heed ofyounder dog! Look, when hefawns, he bites, and when he bites,

His venom will ran kle to the death (William Shakespeare, Richard III, 1592-93).

Joyjiolt ' 'a contemptible person or other mean wretch', dogfish 'a sharklike

Ki son', dog-hearted 'cruel, pitiless, malicious' (Jolinson (1755)), dogleg 'an

iinlrustworthy person', dog robber 'an enlisted man who serves as an officer's

• Hilcrly, valet, gofer', dogs body 'any junior person, especially one assigned to

uirnial jobs', lap dog 'a pretty little person, small-minded with a fierce bark and

nul much of a bite',144 mad dog 'a crazy person or malevolent one',1 5 as sick as

,i dog 'extremely sick',146 top dog 'a leading person, especially one who has

■•ained his position through dog-eat-dog competition', underdog 'a person in an

tpparently losing position, freąuently the object of sympathy', war dogs 'one

who favours military solutions to political problems; a hawk'.147

Thus, it emerges from our discussion of the semantic evoultion of dog that

.ilready in the course of the Mid.E. period the analysed lexical category started

in lunction as a term related to the conceptual zonę BEHAVIOUR/CHARACTER

(14"1>20lh centuries), and later - in the Mod.E. period - it was linked to the

.onceptual sphere PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONS (19(h>20th centuries).

Moreover, as evidenced by Wright (1898-1905:107), dog entered a number

of semantically intriguing compounds which show its relation to such

conceptual dimensions as PROFESSION/SOCIAL FUNCTION, e.g. dog-dirder

'a caretaker of dogs', dog-men 'church beadles or officers appointed to turn

dogs out of church', dog-wright 'one who repairs old furniture';

BEHAVIOUR/CHARACTER, e.g. dog-rogue 'a mischievous child' and

APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS, e.g. dogs helper 'a person of

mean appearance'.

WHELP:

(13th>20th centuries)

(14th >17th centuries)

(14th>19,h centuries)

(15th>19th centuries)

143 See the discussion of dogbolt later in this section.

Consider the following ąuotation:

Had I not fed his lap-dog vanity [...] you would be CarolineMerton still (Edward GE.L.

Bulwer-Lytton, Alice, or the Mysteries, 1938).

145 This sense is documented by the following ąuotation:

[...] trealed for yellow fever or small-pox by this maddog doctor (New Orleans Laniem,

5/7/1887)

146 Rawson (1989:123) argues that the phrase recalls the vivid image in Piwerbs, 26:11: As a

dog returneth to his vomit, so afool returneth to hisfolly.

147 Rawson (1989:123) claims that the image is Shakespearean, from Ciy Havoc, and let slip

the dogs ofwar (Juliiis Caesar, 1599).

, |ii>iniiil nul by EDME and ODEE, the word whelp goes back to OM,

ln\, //> ,inil r, icl.ilod to Mod.Sw. valp and Mod.Dan. hvalp. In the first half of the

I O'1' eenluiy 111 English it was used in the sense 'the young of the dog'

(950>Mod.E.). Now it is rarely used, having been superseded by puppy. For ilu-

historically original sense-thread of the lexical category one may postulate the

existence of an entrenchment link to the attributive path of DOMAIN Ol1'

SPECIES [...] with the attributive value (CANINE) brought to the fore,

attended by the activation of such attributive values as (EPICENE) and

(YOUNG) presupposed for the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and

DOMAIN OF AGE [...]. The following OED ąuotations document the

historically primary sense-thread of whelp:

c950 Soó hiu cweó 3ee drihten foróon & huoelpas brucas of screadungum óa 3e falles of

bead hlaferda hiora.

clOOO 3yf bu on foreweardon sumera bi3est hwylcne hwelpan ponne 3yt un3eseondne.

1894 Mean as a collier's whelp Nosing for scraps in the galley.

As pointed out by the OED, already at the beginning of the 13th centuiy whelp -

by the process of animal metaphorisation - started to be used in the sense 'a

valorous youth sprung from a valorous race' (1225>1922). For us, tliis sense-thread

involves the foregrounding of the attributive value (HUMAŃ) presupposed for the

attributive path of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], attended by the activation of the

elements (EPICENE), (YOUNG) specifiable for the attributive paths of DOMAIN

OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...] respectively. Additionally, thus

specified network of CDs and attributive values actuated is attended by the

highlighting of the attributive element (VALOROUS) presupposed for the

attributive path of DOMAIN OF CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR [...]. The

analysed sense-thread of whelp emerges from the following OED ąuotations:

al225 Pe Unicorne of Wre55e..haue5 six hweolpes. Pe uormest is Cheaste, oóer Strif.

1922 A time when young Englishmen were just as formidable lion's whelps as they are

to-day.

In the first half of the 14th century whelp started to be applied depreciatingly

to the offspring of a noxious creature or being (1338>1634). The account of the

novel sense-thread of the word makes it feasible to postulate yet another

entrenchment link to the attributive path of the peripheral DOMAIN OF

CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR [...], for which the attributive value

(NOXIOUS) gains prominence, as well as DOMAIN OF ABUSE [...] with the

attributive element (DEPRECIATIVE) brought to the fore. The following OED

evidence illustrates the relevant sense-thread of whelp:

I U8 Cambinhoy beres him coy, bat fendes whelp.

U

l(>34 Their vngracious Bishops, these whelpes of Antichrist.

Towards the middle of the 14lh centuiy whelp developed a novel sense and

started to be used with reference to an ill-conditioned or Iow fellow; later, in

inilder use, a saucy or impertinent young fellow (1330>1888). On our

inlerpretation, we may speak here of the rise of entrenchment links to the

,i!lributive paths of such conceptually peripheral CDs as DOMAIN OF

CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR [...], with the attributive values

(SAUCY)A(MPERTINENT) foregrounded and DOMAIN OF ORIGIN/SOCIAL

STATUS [...], for which the attributive element (LOW) is actuated. Tliis sense-

ihread of whelp may be documented with the following OED contexts:

el330 Him to helpe, To fi3t 03ain be Sarrazin welpe.

n

1888 These whelps have been before the magistrates charged on their own confession

with murder.

At the close of the 15* century - by the process of metaphorical extension -

whelp acąuired the sense 'a young child' (1483>1852). The OED points out that

now the use is only jocular. As argued by Rawson (1989:414), in the 18th centuiy

a whelp was used in the sense 'a young person, especially an insolent one'.148

Notice that - to a large extent - the new sense-thread overlaps with the

semantics of the original one. hi teims of our analysis, one seems justified to say

that the no vel sense-thread shows entrenchment links to the attributive paths of

such conceptually central CDs as DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF

SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...], for which the following attributive

values are activated: (HUMAŃ), (EPICENE) and (YOUNG). The following

OED ąuotations testify to this sense-thread of whelp:

1483 Thou arte moder of a right noble whelp.

n

1852 I and my gardener George, and my little whelp Maurice and Dandy, Went out this

afternoon fishing.

Thus, as our analysis of the semantic evolution of whelp shows, already in

the course of the Mid.E. period the analysed lexical categoiy started to function as a

148 Rawson (1989:414) prwides the following example:

This is the most extraordinary young man that has encountered my knowledge. It is

wonderful how the whelp has written such things (Samuel Johnson, 4/29/1776, in BoswelPs Life

of Johnson, 1791).

lenn rohilocl not only to the conceptual zonę BEHAVIOURJCHARACTER (13,h>2()"'

cciilurics), but also it started to be linked to the conceptual sphere ORIGIN/SOCIAI

STATUS (14*>l 9,h centuries).

HOUND: (llth>19(h centuries)

(19th century)

(19,h century)

(20Ul century)

According to many etymological sources (see, among others, ODEE), the

lexical category hound is of Germanie origin and it corresponds to O.E. hund,

Mod.Du. hond, Mod.G. Hund, Mod.Sw./Mod.Dan. hund and - ultimately

Pro.Ger. *hundo-z. The word entered English lexicon towards the end of the

9th century in the sense 'a dog, generally' (897>1841). The OED argues that

now the word is only archaic or poetic. In an attempt to account for the

historically primary sense of hound one must posit an entrenchment relation to

the attributive paths of the following conceptually central CDs: DOMAIN OF

SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...], for

which such attributive values as (CANINE), (EPICENE), (YOUNG/ADULT)

are brought to the fore. The following OED ąuotations testify to the

historically primary sense-thread of hound:

c897 Dumbe hundas ne ma3on beorcan.

CL

al225 Hund wule in.. hwar se he ivint hit open.

Z

1508 I hatit him like a hund.

U

1841 A traveller, by the faithful hound, Half-buried in the snów was found.

At the beginning of the 13th century hound narrowed its original meaning

and started to be used in the sense 'a dog kept or used for the chase'

(120O1881). In Mod.E. it is especially applied to a foxhound; also to a

harrier. In order to account for the semantics of this secondary sense-thread

one may argue that - apart from the foregrounding of the appropriate

attributive values mentioned above - there is a rise of an entrenchment

relation to the attributive path of DOMAIN OF FUNCTIONS [...], for which

the attributive value (FOR THE CHASE) is activated. The following data

extracted from the OED document this sense-thread of hound:

i' 1200 Hundes and hauekes, and alle 5o bing he 3eu hier gladien mai.

a 1300 he hund ne harmed noght be hare.

ni440 He uncouplede his houndus.

1526 A kenel of houndes folowynge theyr gamę.

n

1881 He would like to have a good looking wifc.to go riding to hounds with him.

Already at the beginning of the 1 lth century hound started - by the process

of metaphorical extension - to be applied opprobriously or contemptuously to

a man149 in the sense 'a detested, mean or despicable man' or 'a Iow, greedy or

drunken fellow'150 (100O1845). As evidenced by Wright (1898-1905:247), at

llie end of the 19lh century hound was a term of reproach applied especially to

a dirty, idle person151 or to a greedy, avaricious person, eager to seize all he

can. The account of this sense involves the highlighting of the conceptually

central values (HUMAŃ), (MAŁE) and (ADULT) forming parts of the

altributive paths of such CDs as DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF

SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...], respectively, attended by the

activation of the relevant locations within the attributive paths of conceptually

peripheral DOMAIN OF ORIGIN/SOCIAL STATUS [...], DOMAIN OF

ABUSE [...] and DOMAIN OF CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR [...],

with the conceptual elements (LOW), (OPPROBRIOUS)A(DETESTED) and

(MEAN)A(GREEDY)A(DRUNKEN) brought to the fore. The metaphorical

sense-thread of hound emerges from the following OED ąuotations:

clOOO hone haepenan hund.

cl290 'hou lubere hound', bis o|mr seide.

cl400 From this cursed hethen houne.

U

1607 Boy, false Hound: If you haue writ your Annales true, 'tis there, That [etc.].

1845 Miserable houndl This comes of temporising, as I said!

In the 19* century American slang, the word hound was used in the extended

metaphorical sense 'a member of an organised gang of ruffians in San Francisco'

(1859>1879). hi the case of the semantics of the newly-developed sense-thread -

apart from the network of entrenchment relations to the conceptually central CDs

mentioned above - is accountable for in terms of the rise of entrenchment link to

145 See the discussion of dog.

150 See also ATWS, BDPF, EWPO, IRCD, MDWPO, SHM and ST.

151 Consider the following ąuotations:

1867 You tiresome young hound, do elear out o' my way. > 1880 Commonly used to

mischievous or dirty children, as 'Ahl gi tha't thoo mucky hund'.

Ihc altribulive path of DOMAIN OF PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONS

[...], for which the attributive value (GANG OF RUFFIANS) is actuated. ll»

foliowing OED ąuotations testify to the rise of this sense-thread othound:

1859 Sam Roberts..mustered his 'hounds', parading them in..Mexican and Chim ■.

costume.

Z

1879 In the Anecdotes of Bowyer..we are told that a Hound of King's College..i:; ,».

undergraduate not on the foundation, nearly the same as a 'sizar'.

Likewise, by the process of animal metaphorisation, in the second hall'ul

the 19'1 century hound acąuired a short-lived sense 'a player who follows Ilu

'scent' laid down by the 'hare" (1857>1883). On our interpretation, apart Innu

the involvement of the conceptually central CDs and attributive values specifml

above, the semantics of this sense-thread may be accounted for by positing an

entrenchment link to DOMAIN OF PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONS

[...] and the foregrounding of the relevant attributive value (PLAYER). TliK

metaphorical sense-thread of hound is documented with the following OF.h

ąuotations:

1857 The hounds clustered round Thorne, who explained shortly, 'They're to havc sr-

minutes' law'.

Z

1883 A flushed little 'hare' bounds past us, distributing the paper 'scent' in his coursr.

and followed a ąuarter of an hour afterward by the panting and baffled 'hounds'.

Finally, at the beginning of the 20!h century colloąuial American speech

hound was used - with a preceding substantive - to designate a person who ha:,

a particular enthusiasm for, or interest in, the object or activity specified,

especially seen in news-hound (1926>1973). Couched in terms of the theoreticnl

apparatus adopted in this study, the no vel sense-thread acąuired through animal

metaphor, is explicable due to the activation of the conceptually peripheral valm-

(ENTHUSIAST) presupposed for the attributive path of DOMAIN Ol-

CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR [...]. The analysed sense-thread of hound

emerges from the following OED historical evidence:

1926 Comma hound, applied to teachers of English composition.

1968 The enthusiast is a bug or a hound, as in radio bug or hi-fi hound. Closely related In

this use ofhound is its use as 'one who freąuents', as in tavem hound.

1973 A real fun guy,..a super-duper party hound.

According to Palmatier (1995:205), in Mod.E. hound is used in the sense 'a

relentless pursuer; an avid collector. Notice that the word has become the basis

lor a number of compounds relating to searching and collecting. A bloodlioimd,

ilso known as a sleuthhound, is a detective: one who tracks down criminals as

iHentlessly as the droopy-eared dog of the same name. In tum, an autograph

hound is someone who pursues celebrities in order to obtain their signatures.

'\Ioreover, a chowhound is a person, originally in the military, who loves to eat,

.ind gulps down his/her food like a hungry dog. Also, a rock hound is either a

innfcssional geologist or an amateur collector of rocks and minerals, while a

. hild rock hound is affectionately called apebblepup.

As argued by Palmatier (1995:206), in Mod.E. a hound dog is a good-for-

nnlhing person. The author claims that combining the two words (hound and

dug) emphasises the Iow regard in which a canine, or a good-for-nothing human,

r; held, as in the 1956 song by Jeny Leiber and Mikę Stoller, "You ain't Nothin'

Imt a Hound Dog" (see Palmatier (1995:206)). On the other hand, the hounds of

lirll are the leaders of the opposition. As pointed out by Palmatier (1995:206), in

i ircek mythology, the hound ofhell was Cerberus, the guard dog of Hades, who

hac! three heads, which accounts for the plural use of hounds in the metaphor.

Thus, our analysis of various sense-threads of hound and its derivatives shows

ihat already at the beginning of the Mid.E. period the analysed lexical category

.larled to function as a zoosem related to the conceptual zones

HFHAVIOUR/CHARACTER (llth>20Ul centuries), ORIGIN/SOCIAL STATUS

I11 "M9"1 centuries) and CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM (1 ltt,>19Ul centuries), and later

in the Mod.E. period - it was linked to the conceptual dimension

/ 'ROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONS (19* century).

t 'URTAL: (16th century)

(16th>18th c.)

(16th>17,h)

(16th>18th)

According to many etymological sources (see ODEE, EDME), the word curtal

is of Romance origin and it is related to O.F. cortaldlcurtald, Mod.lt. cortalda 'a

sliort bombard, pot gun' and Mod.Fr. court, 'short', with the suffix -aldol-aldl-

nltl-aud, of Germanie origin. As evidenced by the OED, the word entered the

English lexicon in the 16lh century to name a horse with its taił cut short or docked

and sometimes the ears cropped (1530>1610). The relevant sense is explicable in

Icrms of an entrenchment relation to the attributive path of DOMAIN OF

SPECIES [...] and the highlighting of the attributive value (EQUINE), attended

by the activation of the elements (EPICENE) and (ADULT) forming parts of the

allributive paths of DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...]

n-spectively. Additionally, apart from these conceptually central CDs, the

i iii.iiiiu , ul ilu- hr.loiically primary sense of curtal involves an entrenchment link

lo ilu- allnbiiliw palh ofthe conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL

CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE [...], for which the attributiw

values (CROPPED EARS)A(SHORT TAIŁ) are brought to the fore. The following

OED ąuotations document the historically primary sense-thread of curtal:

1530 Covrtavlt, a courtall, a horse. I wyli cutte of my horse tayle and make hym a

courtault.

1653 Six pages apparelled in his livery mounted on white Curtals.

Towards the end of the 16" century the word began its metaphorical

development and started to be applied in the extended sense 'one whose ears are

cropped'152 (1592>?). In terms of our analytical scheme one seems justified to

say that apart from being foregrounded for such attributive values as

(HUMAŃ), (EPICENE) and (ADULT) specifiable for such CDs as DOMAIN

OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...]

respectively, which determine the conceptual core of this lexical category, the

novel sense-thread shows entrenchment links to the attributive path of

DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE

[...], for which the value (CROPPED EARS) is activated. This sense of curtal

emerges from the following OED ąuotation:

1592 I am madę a curtall, for the pillory..hath eaten off both my eares.

Likewise, in the second half of the 16th century - by the process of

figurative extension - curtal developed the sense 'a rogue who wears a short

cloak' (1561>1725). The relevant sense is explicable in terms of an

entrenchment relation to the attributive paths of two conceptually peripheral

CDs, i.e. DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND

APPEARANCE [...] with the attributive value (WEARING A SHORT

CLOAK) actuated and DOMAIN OF CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR

[...], for which the attributive element (ROGUE) gains prominence. The

following OED ąuotations illustrate this sense of the lexeme:

1561 A Curtall is much like to the Upright man..He useth commonly to go with a short

cloke, like to grey Friers.

Z

1725 Curtails.. so called from their Practice to cut off Pieces of Silk, Cloth, Linen or

Stuff, that were hung out at the Shop-Windows of Mercers, etc... Also a Species of Cut-

purses.

152 See ATH^S and ST.

At the close of the 16lh century - by the process of zoosemic extension -

I he lexical item curtal became a common term of derision or opprobrium. To

iiocount for the semantics of the relevant sense one must posit an

entrenchment relation to the attributive paths ofthe three conceptually central

< Ds mentioned above, attended by the entrenchment link to the attributive

path of the conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF ABUSE [...], with the

allributive values (RIDICULED)A(OPPROBRIOUS) foregrounded. The

following OED ąuotations testify to this sense-thread of curtal:

1578 Were you bom in a myli, curtole, that you prate so hye.

Z

cl612 Your old and honor'd Mistress, you tyr'd curtals, Suffers for your base sins.

The pejorative development of curtal went so far that already at the beginning

of the 17,h century the word became entrenched in the relevant location of the

altributive path of DOMAIN OF MORALITY/PROFESSIONS SOCIAL

KUNCTIONS [...], with the process of highlighting ofthe value (PROSTITUTE)

(1611>1706). The analysed sense-thread of curtal emerges from the following

OED evidence:

1611 Caignardiere, a hedge-whore, lazie ąueane, lowsie truli, filthie curtall, Doxie,

K4orte.

Z

1706 Curtall, a Drab, or nasty Slut.

Thus, as our analysis of the semantic development of the lexical item

curtal shows, at the outset ofthe E.Mod.E period the analysed word started to

lunction as a zoosem related not only to the conceptual zonę

BEHAYIOURJCHARACTER (16th>18,h centuries), but also to the conceptual

spheres PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONSIMORALITY (16th>18,h

centuries), APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS (16th>17,h

centuries) and CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM (16,h>17th centuries).

Additionally, it needs stressing that curtal is a typical example of a lexical

category that has undergone the process of semantic derogation, starting with

aesthetic pejoration (ONE WITH CROPPED EARS), through behavioural

pejoration (A ROGUE) and, fmally, with morał pejoration (A PROSTITUTE).

IIILDING: (16th >18fh centuries)

19th

centuries)

128

The OED states that hilding, a word of obscure etymology, may have been

derived from hield, a verb meaning 'to bend downwards/bow, also to fall/sink'.

According to CEDEL and ODEE, the lexical category in hand corresponds to

O.E. hieldan 'to decline' and it has cognates in other Gemianic languages, such

as O.N. hallr 'inclined, sloping, bent to one side' and Mod.Du. heli en 'to slope,

overhang'. The OED argues that it remains unclear whether the application was

tlrst to a horse or to a human being.

Towards the close of the 16th century hilding was first employed in the sense

'a worthless or vicious horse/a sorry hack' (1589>1719). The conceptual core of

the analysed lexical category is determined by the existence of entrenchment

links to the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], for which the

attributive value (EQUINE) becomes prominent, DOMAIN OF SEX [...] wifh

the attributive value (EPICENE) activated, as well as DOMAIN OF AGE [...],

for which the attributive element (ADULT) is brought to the fore. The

conceptual periphery of this lexical category bears witness to a conceptual link

to DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE

[...], with the attributive values (SORRY)A(WORN-OUT) foregrounded and

DOMAIN OF UTILITY [...], for which the negatively tinted attributive

elements (USELESS)A(WORTHLESS) are activated. The following OED

ąuotations document this sense-thread of hilding:

1589 Least standing long still in the open faire, they fali to downeright halting, and so be

disclosed for arrant heldings.

1600 Their horses, no other than lamę jades and poor hidebound hihlings.

fi

1719 A Runaway Beast that will not be held in..a very Heilding.

By the process of zoosemic extension, at the close of the 16" century

hilding was first applied to a woman in the figurative sense 'a jade/baggage'

(1592> 1713), and at the beginning of the 17th century the lexical category

widened its meaning to include the sense 'a contemptible/worthless person of

either sex/a good-for-nothing' (1601>1843). On our interpretation, we may

speak of the rise of entrenchment links to the attributive paths of a number of

CDs due to the activation of which we may associate the semantics of hilding

with the conceptual category HUMAN BEING. In particular, the evidence

ąuoted below justifies positing links relating the semantics of hilding to the

relevant locations specifiable for the attributive paths of conceptually central

DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], for which the attributive value (HUMAN) is

foregrounded, DOMAIN OF SEX [...] with the attributive element

(EPICENE) activated, as well as DOMAIN OF AGE [...], for which the

attributive value (ADULT) is brought to the fore. Additionally, it must be

stressed that the conceptual periphery of the sense analysed involves links to

llie attributive paths of DOMAIN OF CHARACTER/BEHAVIOUR [...],

DOMAIN OF UTILITY [...] and DOMAIN OF ABUSE [...], with the

a(tributive values (BAGGAGE), (WORTHLESS) and (CONTEMPTIBLE)

actuated. The OED provides the following ąuotations illustrating the

historically secondary sense of hilding:

\592 Out onher, Hilding.

1631 She is a crafty Hileding, and I will not give her time to invent some one villainous

Iricke or other.

1679 Away, away, you naughty hildings.

1713 This idle Toy, this Hilding [Jane Shore] scorns my power.

fi

1843 There's Master Sancroft, of the Oak, will not trust us a penny, the seely hilding.

Thus, it emerges from our discussion of the semantics of hilding that at

Ihe beginning of the E.Mod.E. period the analysed lexical category started to

lunction as a zoosem embodying not only the conceptual dimension

BEHAYIOUR/CHARACTER (16,h>19,h centuries), but also the conceptual

spheres APPEARANCE/'PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS (16,h>18,h centuries)

and CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM (16,h>19,h centuries).

DOGBOLT: (15th>19,h centuries)

The origin of the lexical item dogbolt is uncertain.153 The OED speculates

that possibly the late-16,h century sense 'some kind of bolt or blunt-headed

arrow of little value that might be shot at any dog' (1592>1612) is the original

meaning, but the other sense, that of 'a contemptible fellow/a mean wretch'

(1465>1823) is documented 130 years earlier. Rawson (1989:120), points out

Ihat the metaphorical dogbolt is an old (15th century) term for a contemptible

person, especially one who is at the beck and cali of anofher, perhaps originally

referring to one person as the tool of another. In terms of the mechanisms

employed in this work, one may argue that in the case of the original sense of

dogbolt, there is a rise of entrenchment links to the attributive paths of such CDs

as DOMAIN OF INANIMATE ENTITIES [...], DOMAIN OF

FUNCTIONS [...] and DOMAIN OF UTILITY [...], for which the following

attributive elements become prominent: (BOLT)A(BLUNT-HEADED ARROW),

(THAT MIGHT BE SHOT AT ANY DOG) and (OF LITTLE VALUE),

respectively. The analysed sense-thread of dogbolt is documented with the

following OED ąuotations:

° See, for example, ODEE and EDME.

130

131

)5V2 The dreadml engine of phrases instead of thunderboltes shooteth nothing but

dogholtes and catboltes and the homeliest boltes of rude folly.

1612 Is not this a..sacrilegious abuse of Gods..benefits..to make them dog~bolts in every

bow, and shafts in every quiver, to draw out for the managing of any impious fact?

As far as the secondary sense of dogbolt is concemed, the one that

developed in the second half of the 15th century through an indirect zoosemic

extension (THAT MIGHT BE SHOT AT ANY DOG), one feels justified to posit

the foregrounding of the attributive values (HUMAŃ), (EPICENE) and

(YOUNG/ADULT) speciftable for the attributive paths of the conceptually

central DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN

OF AGE [...]. Moreover, the activation of these conceptual elements is attended

by the highlighting of the negatively charged values (MEAN)A(WRETCH) and

(CONTEMPTIBLE) presupposed for the attributive paths of the conceptually

peripheral DOMAIN OF CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR [...] and

DOMAIN OF ABUSE [...]. The metaphorical sense-thread o18,h centuries)

The lexical category holdfast is formed from the verb hołd and the adverb

fast (see the OED). In the second half of the 16* century the word was both

literally and figuratively used as an adjective in the sense 'that holds fast/having

a firm hołd or grasp' (1567>1884), but - at the same time - it developed the

sense 'something to which one may hołd fast or which affords a secure hołd or

support' (1566>1867). In terms of the mechanisms adopted here, the historically

primary sense of holdfast - apart from the highlighting of the conceptually

central element (THING) presupposed for the attributive path of DOMAIN OF

INANIMATE ENTITIES [...]- is explicable in terms of an entrenchment link

to the attributive path of the conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF

FUNCTIONS [...], for which the values (HAVFNG A FIRM HOLD)A(TO

WHICH ONE MAY HOŁD FAST) are brought to the fore. The following OED

ąuotations illustrate this sense-thread of holdfast:

1566 We will trie farder what surę holdefast he hath to staie him self thereon.

1567 The Pine tree is called hold-fast or pitchie tre.

1612 With hold-fast armes of euerlasting loue.

n

1867 The sedge and alder being great holdfasts.

U

1884 Only the golden Leopard printed in it Such hold-fast claws.

At the close of the 16lh century - through the process of metaphorical

extension - holdfast acąuired the extended sense 'a stingy or hard-fisted

person/a miser' (1576>1706). The account of this sense involves the

foregrounding of the conceptually central values (HUMAŃ), (EPICENE) and

(YOUNG/ADULT) forming parts of the attributive paths of such CDs as

DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF

AGE [...], attended by the activation of the relevant location within the

attributive path of the conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF CHARACTER

AND BEHAVIOUR [...], with the elements (STINGY)A(HARD-FISTED)

actuated. This sense-thread of holdfast is documented with the following OED

ąuotations:

1576 I may sooner wring Hercules his clubbe perforce out of his fist, then get minę owne

monie out of the hands of this injurious holdfast.

1660 A great Miser and hold-fast.

n

1706 Hold-fast..is also commonly taken for a griping covetous Wretch.

Finally, during the course of the E.Mod.E. period - by the process of

reversed zoosemic extension - the analysed lexical category was also used in the

sense 'a dog that holds tenaciously' (1599>1752). On our interpretation, the

semantics of this sense-thread is explicable in terms of entrenchment links to the

attributive path of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], with the attributive value

(CANINE) highlighted, as well as the attributive paths of such CDs as

DOMAIN OF SEX [...], DOMAIN OF AGE [...] and DOMAIN OF

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND BEHAVIOUR [...], for which the

attributive elements (EPICENE), (YOUNG/ADULT) and (THAT HOLDS

TENACIOUSLY), respectively, become prominent. This sense-thread of

holdfast is attested by the following OED ąuotations:

1599 11 oki ftisl is the onely Dogge.

Z

1752 When I erwied the finery of any of my neighbours, [my mother] told me that 'Braj'

was a good dog, but Holdfast was a better'.

Anumber of studies dedicated to the polysemisation of lexical categories sucli

as, for example, Geeraerts (1985), Łozowski (1996) seem to suggest that it is

always possible to tracę new senses as a development from the situation at a

previous point in histoiy.154 However, Kleparski (1997:141-143) argues that the

process of polysemisation of lass seems to point to the fact that it may not always

be possible to determine objectively which sense-thread of a given polysemons

category forms the basis for further extensions. In the case of the semantic

evolution of lass, Kleparski (1997:142) notices that the senses 'a sweethearf

(1596>1788) and 'a female servant' (1788>1815) may be treated as instantiations

of the original sense 'a girl, young woman' (1300>1843). However, the author

claims that in the case of the sense 'a bitch, marę' (1834/1837), the conjecture thal

this sense-thread provides a case of extension of the original sense 'a girl, young

woman' may be viewed as totally unfounded; the rise of the animal senses may

have been motivated by either of the two earlier extensions, i.e., 'a sweetheart' or

'a female servant'.

A claim we wish to make here is that the lexical category holdfast may be

viewed as yet another example of a case in which it is by no means easy to

detemrine objectively which sense-thread of a polysemous category forms the

basis for further semantic extensions. hi other words, it does not seem

straightforward whether the sense 'a dog that holds tenaciously' is motivated by

the historically primary senses 'that holds fast/having a firm hołd or grasp',

'something to which one may hołd fast or which affords a secure hołd or

support' or, rather, the metaphorical sense 'a stingy or hard-fisted person/a

miser'. Of course, one might argue here that the last sense-thread of holdfast

results from the process of blending of previous senses, but the justification for

such an explanation would have to be provided.

Therefore, as our analysis of the semantics of holdfast shows, through the

association of certain evaluatively neutral elements specifiable for the cognitive

base of'HOLDFAST', i.e. (INAMMATE)/(HUMAN)A(ADULT)A(EPICENE) and

marginally, evaluatively neutral, (HAVING A FIRM HOLD)A(TO WHICH ONE

MAY HOŁD FAST), as well as negatively charged (STINGY)A(HARD-FISTED)

with certain axiologically unmarked elements in the cognitive base of 'DOG', i.e.

(CANINE)A(EPICENE)A(ADULT) and marginally, evaluatively negative elements

(THAT HOLDS TENACIOUSLY), the lexical category holdfast started - at a

certain stage of its semantic development (16,h>18lh centuries) - to function as a

term designating a dog.

See, for example, Geeraerts (1985:354-357).

1'lil'PY: (16'">19th centuries)

(16th century)

(16th>17,h centuries)

According to the OED and CEDEL, the word puppy corresponds in form,

.md, to a certain extent in sense, to Mod.Fr. poupee (13th century popee) 'a

doli, a woman likened to a doli, a plaything', toy (e.g. // en fait sa poupee),

whence apparently in English 'a dog used as a plaything/ a toy dog', a sense

itnknown to French. The OED informs us that the doli- and woman- senses of

Mod.Fr. poupee are usually represented in English by puppet. However,

puppet and puppy are not always kept distinct; puppet was in early use

synonymous with. puppy, and in ńialects puppy is still widely used in the sense

n[puppet, especially in puppy-show for puppet-show. Mod.Fr. poupee has no

t-ognate form in the other Romance languages; it appears to have been an

iinomalous French formation on the stem of Romance pupp-a for L. pupa 'a

j'jrl, doli, puppet'.

At the close of the 15th century puppy entered the English lexicon and

acąuired the sense 'a smali dog used as a lady's pet or plaything/a toy dog'

(1486>1655). Towards the end of the 16lh century the word narrowed its

meaning to 'a young dog, a whelp' (1591>1849). The analysis of the semantic

pole of the E.Mod.E puppy used in its historically primary sense seems to point

I o well-pronounced entrenchment links to the attributive paths of the

conceptually central DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], with the element (CANINE)

brought to the fore, DOMAIN OF SEX [...], for which the attributive value

(EPICENE) is activated and DOMAIN OF AGE [...] with the conceptual

element (YOUNG/ADULT) foregrounded. The conceptual periphery of the

analysed sense comprises entrenchment relations to the attributive paths of

DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE

[...] and DOMAIN OF FUNCTIONS [...], for which the attributive values

(SMALL) and (PET)A(PLAYTHING) are activated. The diachronically original

senses 'a smali dog used as a lady's pet or plaything/a toy dog' and 'a young

dog, a whelp' are documented in the following OED materiał:

1486 Smalę ladies popis that beere a way the flees.

n

1591 One that I brought vp of a puppy: one that I sau'd from drowning, when three or

foure of his blinde brothers and sisters went to it.

1655 A foolish woman may in her foolish affection dote upon a puppy morę than on her

gold.

U

1858 A bitch that was often brought to my house was suckling a htter ofpuppies.

134

135

In the second half of the 16th century - due to the mechanism of zooseniii

extension - puppy]55 started to be applied to a person as a term of contemp! in

the sense 'a vain, empty-headed, impertinent young man' (1589>1849)

According to Palmatier (1995:304), in Mod.E. puppy dog is used figuratively in

the sense 'a grown man, especially one of large size, who may appear to In-

intimidating but is just as friendly and gentle as a puppy (see pussycat).1"'

Rawson (1989:314) points out that today the metaphorical puppy is a younj>,

man, especially an inexperienced or conceited one, often an impudent, insolent

or silly puppy. Such a youth may also be puppy-headed 'stupid', have puppy fiat

'baby fat' and be afflicted with pangs of puppy love.

Couched in our analytical terms, the semantics of puppy involves

entrenchment links to the attributive paths of the CDs which determine ils

conceptual core, i.e. DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...)

and DOMAIN OF AGE [...], with the activation of such attributive values as

(HUMAŃ), (MAŁE) and (YOUNG). Additionally, one must posit the rise of

entrenchment relations to the conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF

CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR [...] and DOMAIN OF ABUSE [...],

with the attributive elements (VArN)A(EMPTY-HEADED)A(IMPERTINENT),

as well as the element (CONTEMPTIBLE) foregrounded. The following OED

ąuotations document the sense 'a vain, empty-headed, impertinent young

man':

1589 Pappe with an hatchet for such apuppie.

n

1849 A clever, sensible young man; has no conceit about him like the puppies of our day.

Towards the end of the 16" century we witness the rise of other

zoosemically extended senses of puppy used with reference to women, namely

'a (merę) doli' (1594>?) and 'an ill-bred/ill-mannered woman' (1592>1693).

Rawson (1989:314) argues that the word's feminine sense flowed from puppy s

late 15th century meaning as a lady's dog, or a lap dog, with this in tum deriving

from the Frenchpoupee 'a doli or woman likened to a doli, a plaything'. When

we set this historically secondary semantic pole of puppy against the network of

CDs involved in the application of lexical categories variously associated with

the conceptual category FEMALE HUMAŃ BEING, we see that its internal

position is close to the fringes of the conceptual category in ąuestion. The

conceptual peripherality of the said category is determined by the existence of

entrenchment links to the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF ABUSE [...] and

DOMAIN OF BEHAYIOUR AND CHARACTER [...], for which the

155 As argued by Partridge (2002:935), in the middle of the 19lh century puppy was used in the

sense 'a blind man' (1850>?).

156 See also ATWS, DEI and IRCD.

■ Irrnents (MERĘ DOLL)A(CONTEMPTIBLE) and (ILL-BRED)A(iLL-

MANNERED) are activated. The analysed historically secondary senses of

puppy are documented with the following selected OED ąuotations:

I S/?/e to his mistres.

U

a 1693 Other such like Queanish flurting Harlots..and such like Puppies [Fr. telles

mustines].

Thus, it emerges from our discussion of the liistorical semantics of puppy that at

Ihe outset of the E.Mod.E. period (16Ul>19* centuries) the analysed lexical category

slarted to function as a zoosem related not only to the conceptual zonę

BEHAWOURI CHARACTER, but also to the conceptual sphere

('ONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM.

FILLY: (17th>19th

centuries)

According to most etymological sources (e.g. the OED, JYTNIDU, CEDEL),

(he word fllly is of Gennanic origin, related to O.E. fola, Mod.Du. veulen,

Mod.G. Fohlen, Mod.Dan. yo/e - ultimately - Pro.Ger. *fohn- and cognate with

L. pullus 'a foal, young of an animal, girl'. In English the first available written

source which evidences the use of filly employed with reference to 'a young

marę, a female foal' dates as far back as the end of the Mid.E. period

(140O1848). Adopting the mechanisms of conceptual domains and

metaphorical extensions employed in this work, we could venture a claim that

the semantics of the historically primary sense-thread of filly is explicable in

terms of entrenchment links to the attributive path of DOMAIN OF SPECIES

[...] with the attributive value (EQUINE) highlighted, attended by the activation

of the elements (FEMALE), (YOUNG) and (SMALL) presupposed for the

attributive paths of the conceptually central DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and

DOMAIN OF AGE [...], as well as the conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE [...]. The

following selected data ąuoted from the OED testify to the sense 'a young marę,

a female foal':

?al400 Atter and foxe,fillie, marę alsoe.

1525 To Thomas Milner, hir sonę, a file with a white foite.

al641 An unback'd Filly may by chance give thee a fali.

1709 Stoln or stray'd..a black F*7//e, two years old.

1848 Whafs good for the filly, is good for the marę, say I.

Two centuries later - through the process of animal metaphorisation -

filly157 acąuired a new meaning, that of 'a young lively girl'158 (1616>1881).

According to Mills (1993:88), in the case of filly in the 17th century the

connotations of skittishness presumably influenced its subseąuent development

as a euphemism for a wanton woman. By the early 19th century filly had

ameliorated slightly; it lost its negative sexual connotations of wantonness and

became a descriptive term for any young woman who is lively and high-spirited

(see Mills (1993:88)). Similarly, for Palmatier (1995:145), filly is used with

reference to a vivacious young girl or woman. So, a human filly is a teenage girl

or young woman who is as lively and spirited as a young horse. The same author

claims that filly is still in use as a metaphor, but it has much been replaced in

England by bird and in America by chick. The PDHS informs us that today filly

is an entirely inoffensive word for a woman used by the upper classes. On the

other hand, the SOS comments on the use of filly in the following way:

[...] But todays 'young girls'are likely lo fmd the term not at all 'unobjectionable' with its

overtones of the woman as an animal, valued for its breeding, youth and ąualities as a 'ride'. The

only comparable namefor a małe is a 'staUion 'which has ąuite different overtones ofpower and

vińlity.

Finally, Wright (1898-1905:357) argues that in the 19,h century filly-fair is a

concourse of young girls, e.g. And when fiou wi' cronies dear, Ye 'd sally out to

Filly Fair.159

Thus, in terms of the theoretical apparatus employed here, at the beginning

of the 17th century we witness the rise of entrenchment links to the attributive

paths of the CDs involved in the description of the lexical categories associated

with the conceptual categoiy FEMALE HUMAN BEING. In particular, the

early 17,h century evidence given below justifies positing links relating the

semantic pole of filly to evaluatively neutral locations specifiable for the

attributive paths of the conceptually central DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...],

DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...], for which the

conceptual elements (HUMAN), (FEMALE) and (YOUNG) are brought to the

fore. The highlighting of the said values is attended by the activation of the

Another metaphorical extension is represented by the 17" century syntgma to slip her filly

'of a woman, to miscarry', e.g. 1665 My Lady Castlemaine is sick again-people think, slipping her

filly. Surprisingly, the tennfoal which denotes 'the young (małe or female) of the eąuine genus of

ąuadrupeds' was in the 18th>19th centuries used metaphorically when referring to a boy working in

a coal-mine, e.g. 1770-4 What are termed lads orfoals; supplying the inferior place at a machinę

called a tram > 1835 Where a youth is too weak to put the tram by him-self, he engages a junior

assistant, who is called the foal.

158 See also ATWS and WNWD.

159 Bold minę.

evaluatively neutral elements (SMALL) and (LIVELY) presupposed for the

attributive paths of DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND

BEHAVIOUR [...] and DOMAIN OF CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR

[...]. The following selected data extracted from the OED evidence the

historically secondary sense of filly:

1616 A skittish filly will be your fortunę, Welford.

1711 I am joined in Wedlock for my Sins to one of those Fillies who are described in the

old Poet.

1849 Katharine's a young filly that will neither be led nor driven.

Z

1881 You are but & filly yet.

Therefore, as our analysis of the semantic evolution of the lexical item filly

shows, towards the end of the E.Mod.E. period (17(h>19(h centuries) the analysed

lexical category started to function as a zoosem linked not only to the conceptual

sphere BEHAYIOUR/CHARACTER, but also to the conceptual dimension

APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS.

GRIMALKIN: (\lth>19tb centuries)

According to the OED, the word grimalkin is derived from the adjective

grey and the noun malkin160 'a familiar diminutive of Matilda/Maud (cf.

Mid.E. MaaldelMaldeY. EDEL says that the etymological roots of grimalkin

are to be sought in grey malkin 'a name of a fiend, supposed to resemble a

grey cat'. Originally, in the first half of the 17th century the analysed lexical

category was used as a name given to a cat, especially an old she-cat

(1630>Mod.E.). In terms of our analysis, we can say that for the historically

primary sense of grimalkin the foregrounding of the value (FELINE) specified

for the attributive path of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...] is attended by the

highlighting of the attributive elements (EPICENE) and (ADULT/OLD)

presupposed for the attributive paths of the conceptually central DOMAIN

OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...].

At the outset of the 17th century - by the process of zoosemy - the lexical item

in ąuestion started to be used contemptuously in the sense 'a jealous or imperious

old woman' (1605>1843). The analysis of the historically secondary sense of

grimalkin seems to point to well-pronounced entrenchment links to the attributive

paths of the CDs that constitute the conceptual core of the categoiy in ąuestion,

160 The OED informs us that the suffix -kin was used in forming diminutives and it

corresponds to Mid.Du. -kijnAken and Mod.G -chen, e.g. kindchen 'little child' or hduschen 'a

littlehouse'.

138

139

i.c. DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN Ol

AGE [...] for which the attributive values (HUMAŃ), (FEMALE) au.l

(ADULT/OLD) are activated. The highlighting of the said conceptual element•.

may be argued to have been coupled with the actuation of the valur\

(CONTEMPTIBLE) and (JEALOUS)A(IMPERIOUS) specified for the attribuliv.

paths of DOMAIN OF ABUSE [...] and DOMAIN OF CHARACTER ANI)

BEHAVIOUR [...]. The diachronically secondary sense 'a jealous or imperiou:,

old woman' is documented with following OED materiał:

1605 I come, Gray-Malkin\

1843 Growling to herself, something after the manner of an old grimalkin when

disturbed.

Thus, it emerges from our analysis of the semantic development of

grimalkin that towards the end of the E.Mod.E. period (17th>19th centuries) the

analysed lexical categoiy started to function as a zoosem embodying not only

the conceptual dimension BEHAVIOURICHARACTER, but also the conceptual

sphere CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM.

STRAY:

(16the >18th centuries)

(lóthe >18!"

centuries)

(17fh>18fh centuries)

(17th>18'h centuries)

The lexical category stray is assumed to have been derived from A.F.

straylestrai (see the OED) and it corresponds to O.F. estraier 'stray'. In the first

half of the 13n century the word was used as a legał term to denote a domestic

animal found wandering away from the custody of its owner, and Kable to be

impounded and (if not redeemed) forfeited (1228>1808). In the middle of the

15* century stray started to be used in the sense 'an animal that has strayed or

wandered away from its flock, home or owner' (1440>1899). In terms of the

analytical mechanisms adopted here, the historically primary senses of stray -

apart from the highlighting of such conceptually central elements as

(DOMESTIC ANIMAL), (EPICENE) and (YOUNG/ADULT) presupposed for

the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...]

and DOMAIN OF AGE [...] respectively - is explicable in terms of an

nitrenchment link to the attributive path of the conceptually peripheral

DOMAIN OF BEHAVIOUR [...], for which the values (WANDERING)

.ind/or (ONE THAT HAS STRAYED OR WANDERED AWAY FROM ITS

I''LOCK) become prominent. The following OED ąuotations illustrate these

sense-threads of stray:

1228 Et habent catalla felonum,..et wrek et weyf, stray, curiam suam et cognicionem de

liilso judicio.

a.

cl440 Stray beest bat goethe a-stray, vagula.

1808 Cattle or horses, which, under the denomination..of strays or damage-feasant, are

impounded by the Lord of the Manor.

U

1899 The sheep are folded-all but three ewes a-missing-Davie..speaks in a disconsolate

voice of the three strays in the mountain.

In the middle of the 16lh century - through the operation of animal

metaphorisation - stray acąuired the meaning 'a person who wanders abroad/one

who runs from home or employment'161 (1557>1735). The account of this sense

involves the foregrounding of the conceptually central values (HUMAŃ),

(EPICENE) and (YOUNG/ADULT) forming parts of the attributive paths of such

CDs as DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN

OF AGE [...], respectively. Moreover, the activation of those conceptual elements

is coupled with the actuation of the values (ONE WHO WANDERS

ABROAD)A(ONE WHO RUNS FROM HOME OR EMPLOYMENT)

presupposed for the DOMAIN OF CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR [...].

This sense-thread of stray emerges from the following OED data:

1557 At Bacchus' feast nonę shall her metę..nor gasyng in an open strete, nor gaddyng as

a stray.

Z

1735 Stray, a..Person that is run away from his Discipline, &c.

The process of zoosemic extension continued further and towards the end of

the 16,h century stray162 acąuired the sense 'a body of stragglers from an army and

161 See Wright (1898-1905:809).

162 In the 1819"' centuries the meaning of the word generalised and it came to denote

something that has wandered from its usual or proper place; something separated from the main

body; a detached fragment, an isolated specimen, e.g. (OED 1798) It is a stray of my own;

composed when I was a little rustic, wandering in the woods > (OED 1891) If you will collect the

strays of Robin Fergusson, fish for materiał, collect any last re-echoing gossip, command me to do

what you prefer.

Ihose wlio ;irc ;),1788) and from the middle of the 17,h till the end of Hu

11880).

According to etymological sources (see ODEE, EDME), the Germanie calf is

akin to Mod.Du. kalf, Mod.G. Kolb and - ultimately - Pro.Ger. *kalboz/-iz

'calf. In the histoiy ofEnglish it appears at the beginning of the 9,h century in

the sense 'the young of any bovine animal, especially of the domestic cow'

(900>Mod.E.). In the middle of the 16th century we fmd calf in an extended

sense 'a stupid fellow, a dolt/a meek, inoffensive person'165 (1553>Mod.E.). The

lexical category ox is of common Germanie provenance (see ODE), and it is

related to O.E. oxa, Mod.Du. os, Mod.G. ochse, Mod.Sw. oxe and - ultimately -

164 Consider the following OED examples:

1725 Buck, as, A bold Buck, is sometimes used to signify a forward daring Person of either

Sex. > 1880 Proud..at being taken by the hand by this elderly buck.

165 This sense emerges from the following OED ąuotations:

al553 You great calf, ye should have morę wit, so ye should. > 1865 An Essex calf of the firsl

magnitude.

Pro.Ger. *ohs-n-. The history of ox, used in the sense 'the domestic bovine

t]iiadruped', goes back to the early 9th century (825>Mod.E.). In the sense 'a fool

(especially in the phrase to make an ox of someonef ,m ox is recorded first in

the middle of the 16* century (1566>1923).

Within the genus Ovis both sheep and lamb have undergone zoosemic

ilcvelopment via the conceptual dimension BEHAVIOURICHARACTER. The

OED and other major etymological sources (see, for example, EDEL and

CEDEL) argue that the Germanie sheep is related to Mod.Du. schaap and

M.od.G. Schaf. Originally, sheep was recorded in English in the first half of the

')"' century and the word has been used in the sense 'any animal of the ruminant

genus Ovis closely allied to the goats' (825>Mod.E.). In the middle of the 16th

century it acąuired the metaphorical sense 'a person who is as stupid, timid, or

poor-spirited as a sheep'167 (1546>Mod.E.). The lexical category lamb

corresponds to O.E. lambllambor, Mod.Du. lam, Mod.G. Lamm, Mod.Sw. lamm

and Mod.Dan. lam. The analysed word goes back to the first half of the 8th

century and sińce then it has been used in the sense 'the young of the sheep'

(725>Mod.E.). From the beginning of the Mid.E. period the lexical item has

been applied to people in the sense 'one who is as meek, gentle, innocent or

weak as a lamb'168 (lOOOMod.E.).

As far as the family SUIDAE is concerned, one of the most spectacular cases

of zoosemic extension via the conceptual dimension BEHAYIOURI CHARACTER

is the historical development of pig. The word is of obscure etymology, but it

scems to be related to E.Mid.E. pigge and probably O.E. *picgal*pigga (see the

OED). hi the first half of the 13th century pig was first recorded in English in the

sense 'the young of swine; a young sow or boar'. As noted by, among others, Mills

(1989:188), in the mid-16th century pig169 was applied, usually opprobriously, to a

person or other animal due to the characteristics typical of pigs, i.e. stubborn,

greedy, mean, dirty and gluttonous170 (1546>Mod.E.). Other zoosemic

developments within this family include hog, sow and shoat. The lexical category

hog, whose origin is unknown (see the OED), appears in English in the first half of

Ihe 14* century in the sense 'a swine reared for slaughter' (1340>Mod.E.). At the

Consider the following OED contexts:

1566 He by and by (being madę a very oxe) lighted a candle. > 1923 To play the giełdy ox, to

iicl the fool generally; to behave in an irresponsible or over-hilarious manner.

167 The following OED ąuotations testify to this sense of sheep:

1546 Subtilly lyke a sheepe thought I, I shall Cut my cote after my cloth. > 1862 Souls of

men! why will ye scatter like a crowd of frighten'd sheepl

16 This sense of lamb is evidenced with the following OED ąuotations:

clOOO He 3efullode 5one wulf and 3eworhte to lambe. > 1858 The Baron was a lamb

(,'ompared to a fine lady.

169 Likewise, in Norwegian gris 'a pig' describes 'a filthy and slovenly person'.

170 Consider the following OED examples:

1546 What, byd me welcome pyg. > 1979 Fm not demeaning myself to reply to you, pig.

146

147

beginning of the 15(1 century hog developed the sense 'a coarse, self-indulgent,

gluttonous or filthy person'171 (1436>Mod.E.). The Germanie sow is akin to O.E.

suju, Mod.Du. zeug and sochlsuch, Mod.G. Sau and Mod.Dan. so (see CEDEL and

ODEE). In English sow appears at the beginning of the 8th century in the sense 'the

female of swine; an adult or full-grown female pig' (725>Mod.E.). At the

beginning of the 16th century sow started to be employed in the sense 'a clumsy or

lazy woman'172 (1508>1825). In tum, the OED informs us that shoat is of

Germanie origin and it corresponds to W.Flem. schotelschoteling 'a pig under one

year old' (1413>1904). The word is first recorded in English at the beginning of

the 15* century in the sense 'a young weaned pig'. At the outset of the 19th century

shoat developed the metaphorical sense 'an idle, worthless person' (180O1862).

Additionally, there is a smali group of ąuadrupeds of the horse kind within

the EOUIDAE family in which zoosemic development may be said to have

operated on a large scalę. This group includes mule, ass, donkey and cuddy. The

first two lexical categories have already been discussed in detail in this section,

let us - therefore - proceed to the analysis of the semantic history of the

remaining donkey and cuddy. According to the OED and ODEE, donkey is a

derivative of the adjective dun (cf. dunnock 'a hedge-sparrow') or, morę

probably, a familiar form of Duncan. At the close of the 18lh century it is

recorded for the first time in the sense 'a familiar name for the ass'

(1785>1970). The figurative sense 'a stupid or silly person'173 originated in the

first half of the 19* century (1840>?). As pointed out by the OED, cuddy is a

familiar diminutive form of Cuthbert in Northern English. The word entered

written language (see the OED) at the beginning of the 18* century in the sense

'a donkey' (1714-15>1862), and in the middle of the 19* century started to be

applied to people in the sense 'a stupid fellow'174 (1845>1885). Etymological

sourcess (see ODEE, EDME) are unanimous that neddy is a diminutive fonu of

Ned, a familiar abbreviation of the name Edward. The lexical category in

ąuestion appears in the history of English at the end of the 18* century in the

sense 'a donkey' (1790>1866). From the beginning of the 19* century it has

been recorded in the sense 'a fool/simpleton'175 (1823>1963).

171 The following OED contexts evidence this sense of hog:

1436 Thus ara they hogges; and drynkyn wele ataunt; ffare wel, Flemynge! > 1890 'I am a

hog! I am a hogV he said..'I madę no resistance; I drank because I was thirsty'.

172 See the following OED evidence:

1508 Insensuat sow, cesse fals Eustase air! > 1825 Sow, an inelegant female, a dirty wench.

173 This sense emerges from the following OED ąuotations:

1840 'What a blubbering, abthurd donkeyl' said Cinąbars. > 1878 What a donkey he must be.

174 Consider the following OED ąuotations:

al845 To exhibit a six-legged calf To a boothful of country Cuddies. > 1885 You're not going

to make a cuddy of me.

175 The following OED data document the analysed sense:

148

Moreover, maverickn6 whose primary sense is 'unmarked cattle', was in the

second half of the 19* century - via animal metaphor - secondarily applied to

someone who is independent and unattached to any group or political party177

(1886>1973). Further, the word keffel, which corresponds to Welsh cęffyl 'a horse'

and which is akin to L. caballus 'a horse, nag', dialectal Mod.Gr. kaballeion 'a

horse-drawn vehicle', Mod.Pol. kobyła 'aug. marę' and Mod.Fin. hepo 'a horse', is

a dialectal word for 'an old, poor and worthless horse' (see WTNIDU). ha the 19*

century keffel started to be employed as a designation for 'a clumsy man/good-for-

nothing' (see Wilkinson (1992:288)). Also, the Germanie pług is etymologically

related to Mod.Du. plugge 'a pług, stopper', Mod.Sw. plugg/pligg, Mod.Dan. plóg

and Mod.G. Pflock (see the OED). hi the second half of the 19* century in U.S.,

Aus. and N.Z. slang the word was applied to an inferior and often aged or unsound

horse or an old horse wora down by hard work. Secondarily, in the 19* century

U.S. slang pług developed the extended sense 'a slow, stupid, or ineffective

person' or 'a bloke/fellow'178 (1848>1948).

As evidenced by the OED, the lexical category moke is of unknown origin.

Mokus 'a donkey' was a dialectal fonu used in Hampshire, Devon in the 16*

century. In the middle of the 19* century, in slang and dialectal speech, the

analysed word was used in the sense 'a donkey' (1848>1871), and in Aus. slang

it was applied in the sense 'a very inferior horse' (1879>1943). The

metaphorical sense-threads 'a stupid fellow/a dolt'179 and 'aNegro'180 developed

in the second half of the 19* century (1855>1915)/(l 856>1945).

The conceptual category CANIDAE is also represented here by the lexical

ilems mutt, houndsfoot and keout which are used metaphorically and are linked

to the conceptual dimension BEHAYIOURICHARACTER. The lexical category

mutt originated at the beginning of the 20* century as a slang abbreviation of

1823 MscWy-sometimes 'ass-neger', other nam es for jackass-the living emblem of patience

and long suffering. > 1963 Tm sorry,' he said, 'you must think I'm a terrible neddie.'

176 This word was analysed in detail elsewhere in this chapter.

177 Consider the following OED contexts:

1886 People would say, 'He holds maveńck views', meaning that his views were untainted by

partisanship in the matter. > 1973 Ruth Inglis met the 77-year-old maveńck zoologist at his Oxford

base.

This sense-thread emerges from the following OED evidence:

1848 Plug,..a nickname for a homely man. > 1948 You-you broken reed! You doormat! Old

sleady, unimaginative, dumb plugl

The relevant sense-thread is documented with the following OED ąuotations:

1855 He has an irreconcilable grudge against a poor moke of a fellow called Archer Gurney. >

1915 Terms of disparagement ..moke about the same meaning and usage as mutt, or boob.

The relevant sense-thread is evidenced with the following OED ąuotations:

1856 Rosę, don't you interfere, Fil show dis moke a sight. > 1945 Moke was thrown into

competition with coon in 1899 by the success of 'Smokey Mokes', a popular song by Holzmann

and Lind.

149

iiiini(ji)-licad (see the OED). Today, its primary sense is 'one who is stupiil

ignorant, awkward'181 (1901>1973). In the first half of the 20* century - by Ilu

process of reversed zoosemy - mutt developed the sense 'a dog/mongirl

(1904>1974). The Germanie houndsfoot, akin to Mod.Du. hondsvot and Motl.l i

hundsfott 'scoundrel, rascal' at the beginning of the 18Mod.E.), is ol

Romance origin and it corresponds to Mod.Fr. robett. At the end of the 161'1

century, rabbit developed the sense 'a poor performer at any gamę; a novice'm

(1597>Mod.E.).

In the category DOMESTIC FOWL one finds a number of evaluatively

tinted terms which include such lexical items as, for example, hen and broody.

The lexical category hen is of Gennanic roots and it corresponds to O.E. henn,

Mod.Du. hen and Mod.G. Hemie. It has been present in English in the sense 'the

female of the common domestic or barn-door fowl' sińce Anglo-Saxon times

(950>Mod.E.). From the first half of the 17(h centuiy it is also recorded and

richly documented in the figurative sense 'a hen-hearted person of either sex'18'1

(1626>1897). Additionally, as the OED informs us, hen is used in the following

proverbial expressions: like a hen with one chick(en) in which it indicates

extreme solicitude or fussiness about a smali matter and (as) mad as a wet hen

meaning 'very angry'. In turn, broody is formed from the Germanie noun brood

(O.E. bród, cognate with Mod.Du. broed and Mod.G. Brut 'hatching, brood')

and the suffix -y. In the first part of the 16lh century it is used of fowls in the

sense 'inclined to 'sit' or ineubate' (1523>Mod.E.). The figurative sense 'a

contemplative, (sullenly) meditative, moody person or a woman feeling a

This sense is evidenced with the following OED quotations:

1901 I knew that Clara Jane would cancel the contract with the mutt that mixed in just as

soon as she saw the automobile snap. > 1973 The poor mutt must have driven it along the bank.

" Consider the following OED ąuotations:

1710 O pox! It's that Hounsfoot Tom Whigg. > 1814 If you play any of your hounds-foot

tricks.

This sense emerges from the following OED quotations:

1597 Away, you horson upright Rabbet, away. > 1979 In 'Rabbits Review' B. P. Floyd

aims..to cater with a light touch for the poorer player.

' 4 This sense emerges from the following OED data:

cl626 One of the soldiers..sayes th'are dainty Hennes. > 1897 The Krumen are silly hens not

to go and wipe out Liberia on shore.

In contrast, in Norwegian the word tyuk 'hen' is used for 'a silly female'.

ni.ilernal desire to have a(nother) baby'185 appears in the middle of the 19(1

i rnlury and is well-documented till recent times (1851>1986).

Probably the most striking zoosemic development within the category

DOMESTIC FOWL is that of chicken. The word entered the English lexicon

.ilicady in the 10,h century in the sense 'the young of domestic fowl'

l'iS0>Mod.E.). At the outset of the 17th centuiy chicken was first applied to a

person who is cowardly and as timorous or defenceless as a chicken

I l611>Mod.E.). As late as the beginning of the 18lh centuiy chicken appeared as

,i lenn used with reference to a young and inexperienced person (1711>1934).

The family ANATIDAE, in which only a handful of zoosemic developments

ean be detected, has the following representatives: goose, gander and gosling. And

■•o, the Germanie gooselss is a continuation of O.E. gós and it is akin to Mod.Du.

'.■ans, Mod.G. gam, Mod.Dan. gaas and Olr. geis 'a swan' (see CEDEL and

ODEE).m The word has been present in English in the sense 'a large web-footed

bird 'Anser domesticus'' sińce the beginning of the li"1 century (lOOOMod.E.). In

the first half of the 16* century goose was first applied to people with allusion to

the alleged stupidity of the goose, hence the sense 'a foolish person, a simpleton'

ilcveloped (1547>1887).190 The lexical categoiy gander whose original stem is

probably *ganron- outside of English is found only in Mod.Du. and S.G. Gander.

()lher Germanie languages show different formations, as Mod.G. ganserich (earlier

y/mser), O.N. gasse and Mod.Sw. gase (see the OED). Gander is first recorded in

llie histoiy of English at the outset of the 11* century in the sense 'the małe of the

goose' (lOOOMod.E.). By the process of animal metaphorisation, in the middle of

the 16* century, the word started to be employed in the sense 'a duli or stupid

person/a fool, simpleton' (1553>1816).191 Finally, the semantic histoiy of

IS5 The following OED ąuotations testify to this sense of broody:

1851 Broody, sullen; cross. > 1986 Kate becomes broody when a colleague of hers becomes

pregnant.

186 Consider the following OED data:

1611 Forthwith they flye Chickens, the way which they stopt [Globe ed. stoop'd] Eagles. >

1960 Come on, quit stallin', roli. Harry. What's the matter, Sky, turning chickenl

187 This sense emerges from the following OED evidence:

1711 You ought to consider you are now past a Chicken; this Humour, which was well

enough in a Girl, is insufferable in one of your Motherly Character. > 1934 He said he was fed up

on the dago chickens around State Street anyway. The guys all thought that was a new word.

ISS Mod.Russ. eycb 'a goose' denotes 'a stupid or naive woman'.

189 The OED says that its connexion with gander is doubtful.

190 Consider the following OED syntagmas:

1547 Shall I stand still, like a goose or a fool, with my finger in my mouth? > 1887 What a

goose I was to leave my muff behind me.

191 This sense emerges from the following OED ąuotations: 1553 Another for a Gose, that

graseth upon his ground, tries the lawę so hard, that he proves himself a Gander. > 1816 Perhaps

some great critical gander will come flapping and flourishing out of the flock.

Germanie gosling (cf. Mid.E. geslyng, Mod.Dan. gasling) goes back h> il-

first half of the 15lh century when the lexical category in ąuestion v...

originally used in the sense 'a young goose' (1425>Mod.E.). As far as Ih-

human sense-thread of the word is concerned, at the beginning of the I ■'

century gosling is recorded for the first time as an expression used in lii.

metaphorical sense 'a foolish, inexperienced person/one who is young an>t

'green"(1607>1824).192

2.2.2. Toiuards Parallels in Other Languages: Russian, Slovak, Polish, Spanit.li

American-Spanish, Italian, French, German, Dutch, Norwegiem, Irish,

Persian, Basaue, Chinese, Hungarian, Hebreiu and Yorubd

In a number of other languages a similar mechanism, whereby aniin.il

names are employed to designate A HUMAN BEING CHARACTERISED Ih

TERMS OF BEHAYIOUR/CHARACTER, seems to be eąually productive. An.l

so, in Mod.Russ. coócma 'a dog' is secondarily used in the sense 'an evil, ii I

mannered person', nouiadb 'a horse' > 'a hard-working person', ocen \i

donkey' > 'a stupid, obstinate person', óapan 'a ram' > 'a person foliowine

others blindly', mpoea 'a cow' > 'a clumsy, sluggish or stupid woman', nemys

'a cock/rooster' > 'an obstreperous man, a brawler', ?ycb 'a goose' > 'a stupid,

naive female'; Mod.Sl. somar 'a donkey' > 'a stupid person'; Mod.Sp. becenc

'a calf > 'a stupid or stubborn person', aguila 'an eagle' > 'a smart person',

buitre 'a vulture' > 'a greedy person', burro 'a donkey' > 'a stupid person",

cabrón 'a billy goat' > 'a cuckold or bastard who plays mean tricks', cordero

'a lamb' > 'a good and ąuiet person', gallina 'a hen' > 'a coward', gamo L:i

goose' > 'a silly person who clowns around to amuse others'.

On the other hand, Mod.Norw. hund 'a dog' developed the meaning 'a

faithful and loyal person'. The same can be observed in Mod.Pol. where the

context wierny jak pies is a well lexicalised syntagma meaning 'as faithful as a

dog'.

Similarly to Mod.E. whelp 'a puppy', Mod.Pol. szczeniak 'a puppy' is

used in the secondary sense 'a young inexperienced and impertinent person.'

On the other hand, Mod.Norw. hundevalp 'a puppy' developed the secondary

meaning 'a little, sweet, innocent person', katt 'a cat' refers to a cunning

person, hund 'a dog' > 'a faithful and loyal person', lam 'a lamb' > 'a

harmless person', fell 'a foal' > 'an unsteady person', kah 'a calf > 'an

unsteady person', kattunge 'a kitten' > 'an innocent person', puddel 'a poodle'

> 'an unintelligent, selfish woman', kylling 'a chicken' > 'a person who is not

■ii.iid of anything', hane 'a cock' > 'a proud, indolent man'. In contrast,

i.nl.Russ. kouiKa 'a cat' is used to refer to an exceptional and independent

.- r,mi. Additionally, Mod.Norw. gra 'a pig' describes 'a filthy and slovenly

. ■ i .on' and ku 'a cow' is used in the secondary sense 'a person with a big

.|>ptiite', while Mod.Fr. vache 'a cow' may be used with reference to a nasty

i» i son.

According to Kleparski (1988:174) and Zimnowoda (2003:1006), in

Ind.Pol. baran 'a ram' and osioł 'a donkey' are used secondarily in the sense 'a

nipid person'. Cielę 'a calf and kozioł ofiarny 'a scapegoat' are metaphorically

mployed with reference to a naive person. On the other hand, Mod.Pol. mul 'a

.nule' is a designation for a slow person while czarna owca 'a black sheep' is

M ,i-d in a similar way to its Mod.E. equivalent (i.e. 'a disgrace to the family').

'• !uieover, krowa 'a cow' is used in the sense 'a silly woman', gęś 'a goose' > 'a

>i,ii've, silly woman' and suka 'a bitch' > 'a mean, spiteful woman'.193

Additionally, as shown by Kleparski (1988:174), Mod.G. Esel 'an ass' is

• mployed in the sense 'a silly person', ndrrisches Hu Im 'a foolish hen' and

■lummes Hulmm 'a stupid hen' are employed in the metaphorical sense 'a stupid

IM-ison', Schwein 'a pig' > 'a trustless, mean person', Gans 'a goose' > 'a naive,

.illy female', Kuh 'a cow' > 'a foolish female' and Kalb 'a calf > 'an

iin,xperienced, nai've person'.

According to Hsieh (2000), the ąuality of stupidity emerges from the

lullowing Mod.G. contexts: alter Esel 'an old ass' > 'a stupid person', Eselei

Immed from Esel 'an ass' > 'folly', Eselin 'a jenny/mare' > 'a stupid woman',

• lumme Gans 'a stupid goose' > 'a stupid woman', Gdnschen 'a gosling' > 'a

.lupid person', clummes Huhn 'a stupid hen' > 'a stupid woman', dummer Hund

a stupid dog' > 'a stupid person', Du Dackel 'you duchshund' > 'you silly man',

(•/'// dummes Kamei 'a stupid cameP > 'a stupid person'. Moreover, such

-.yntagmas as Kalbskopfa calf s head', dumnie Kuh 'a stupid cow', alter Ochse

'an old ox', dumni wie ein Ochse 'stupid like an ox', Ochsenkopfan ox's head',

dummes Schcif 'a stupid sheep', Schafskopf 'a sheep's head', Sei doch kein

Scliaf! 'Don't be a sheep!', Du Hammel 'you wether', dumme Ziege 'a stupid

!'.oat', Perlen vor die Sdue werfen 'to cast pearls before swine', saudumm 'stupid

like a sow', dummes Fieh 'stupid cattle', Rindvieh 'cattle' are all employed in

Ihe sense 'a stupid person'.

Similarly to their Mod.G. counterparts, Mod.Du. gans 'a goose' acąuires the

secondary sense 'a silly woman', hond 'a dog' > 'a mean person' and koe 'a

cow' > 'a clumsy person', while both Mod.Du. ezel 'a donkey' and Mod.Ir. asal

'a donkey' are used secondarily in the sense 'a stupid person'.

192 The following OED examples testify to the metaphorical sense of gosling:

1607 Ile neuer Be such a Gosling to obey instinct. > 1824 'What a gosling you are, child',

said Mrs. Price, 'you know nothing'.

193 Interestingly, Mod.Persian jj^j 'a bee' is used figuratively in the sense 'a person with a

sharp tongue'.

194 See Hsieh (2000:89).

152

153

As pointed out by Kany (1960:40-61) and Dąbrowska (1994:332) iii

American-Spanish stupid people are given the names of animals which a iv

themselves regarded as stupid and can be referred to as burro/asso 'a donkcy,

ass', marrano 'a pig' and pavo 'a turkey'. According to Kany (1960:40-61),

chucho 'a dog' may be used in the sense 'a mean, stingy person' (cf. E.Mod.Ii

holdfast 'a dog that holds tenaciously' > 'a mean, stingy person').

It must be stressed that in many non-Indo-European languages various

animal names are in a likewise manner applied to human beings via the

conceptual dimension BEHAYIOUR/CHARACTER. And so, Mod.Basąue astou

'a donkey' is used secondarily in the sense 'a fool, a stupid, illiterate person',

katarra 'a małe cat' > 'a bad-tempered, aggressive person'; Mod.Hu. tyiik 'a

hen' > 'a stupid woman', liba 'a goose' > 'a stupid woman', kiskakas 'a young

cock' > 'a warlike person', disznó 'a pig' > 'a person who cannot behave

oneself, ókór 'an ox' > 'a silly person', birka 'a sheep' > 'somebody who

blindly follows others', barany 'a lamb' > 'an innocent person', ló 'a horse' >

'a childish youngster', szamar 'an ass, donkey' > 'a foolish, silly person', nyul

'a rabbit' > 'a coward person', bakkecske 'a he-goat, a billy-goat' > 'a person

unable to keep stilP, csacsi 'a young ass' > 'a naive, inexperienced person',

fejóstehen 'a milk cow' > 'one who is unscrupulously madę use of/exploited',

here 'a drone' > 'an idle, lazy person', 'a person who lives on others' work',

irigy kulya 'an eiwious dog' > 'a dog in the manger', marha 'an ox, cattle' > 'a

silly person'; Mod.Heb. hazir 'a pig' > 'a miser', safan 'a rabbit' > 'a

coward'195 and Mod. Yoruba196 ológbó 'a cat' > 'a friendly person; a curious

person', agutan 'a sheep' > 'a gentle person; a stupid person', ewurę 'a goat' >

'a stubborn person', ęsin 'a horse' > 'a strong person', aj a 'a dog' > 'an

uncritical follower', ęlędę 'a pig'197 > 'a dirty person'.

According to Hsieh (2000), in Mod.Chinese the ąuality of being afraid

and fearful may be expressed by the following syntagmas: suo tou wu gui

HsLftU 'to move one's head like a tortoise/turtle' > 'a coward', dan xiao ru

shu lt 'timid and chicken-hearted; a coward'.

Greediness and bestiality emerge from the following contexts: shi zi'da kai

kou IffAiP 'a lion opens its mouth widely' > 'one demands a lot of

money', hu shi dan dan jfeUlŁfcĘfc 'to ambush somebody like a greedy tiger

does' > 'to stare at something in a lurking way', ru lang si hu tlU^MM 'like

wolves and tigers' > 'bestial, beastly', lang tun hu yan 3&# M$$ 'to devour

something like a wolf and tiger' > 'to eat ąuickly or greedily'. Hsieh

(2000:200), compares the situation in Mod.Chinese to that in Mod.G. and

notices that in the latter greediness is referred to in the following contexts:

Hebrew data are taken from Sappan (1983).

16 Yoruba examples are bon-owed from Olateju (2005).

' In Yoruba ęlędę 'a pig' symbolises fertility (see Olateju (2005)).

yjerig wie ein Geier/Aasgeier 'as greedy as a vulture', wie ein Wolf

nmterschlingen 'to eat ąuickly or greedily like a wolf, hungrig wie ein Wolf

'as hungry as a wolf. The ąualities of being wild, wicked and angry are

i:xpressed by means of the following Mod. Chinese syntagmas (see Hsieh

(2000:200)): lang zi ye xin ^^l?'^ 'wolf-young-wild-heart' > 'wild

ambitions',/?/ zhe'yangpi de'lang ft^^fi^?! 'a wolf in sheep's clothing',

/'/// wei hu tiMM 'a vicious fox' > 'a wicked man'; hu li jing MMM 'a

vixen' > 'seductress'. Notice that the same character/behaviour characteristics

are represented by the following Mod.G. contexts: der bose Wolf "a vicious

wolf > 'a wicked man', Wolfsbrut 'as brutal/beastly as a wolf, ein Wolf im

Schafspelz 'a wolf in sheep's clothing'. Inexperienced people are referred to as

i'ai niao SlJl 'a bad bird' > 'a greenhorn/tenderfoot'.

As argued by Hsieh (2000:89, 200), in Mod.Chinese such domesticated

animals as the pig, dog, goose, donkey, ox and cow come to stand for

slupidity. And so, Mod.Chinese zim W 'a pig' is used in the following

contexts: ben/chun z hu 3£/i!ft 'a stupid pig' > 'an idiot', si zhu 5Eli 'a dead

pig' > 'a stupid, dull-witted person'. Mod.Chinese gou $] 'a dog' appears in

ben gou 3£$l 'a stupid dog' > 'a stupid person', gou tou jun shi ^\WĘ-M 'a

stupid dog' > 'a stupid, brainless advisor', shu ąuanfei ri D^lft 5 'when the

sun shines in Sichuan even dogs bark' > 'to be astonished by somebody's

ignorance', e M 'a goose' may be found in dai tou e J^HH 'a blockhead

goose' > 'a stupid man' and ben e ^$t 'a supid goose' > 'a stupid woman'; lii

II 'a donkey' is used in chun lii Uli 'a stupid donkey' > 'a stupid person',

zhen lii HH 'a real ass' > 'an utter idiot'. Additionally, the ąuality of being

stupid emerges from the following metaphorical contexts: da niu A41 'a big

ox' > 'a big and stupid person', da ben niu A^4- 'a big, stupid ox' > 'a big

and stupid man', niu yan 4^1 'bovine eyes'198 > 'big and silly-looking eyes',

ma bu zhi lian chang hou zi'bu zhi pi gu

'a horse does not know that it has a long muzzle; a monkey does not know that

its backside is red' > 'people are not aware of their faults'.

Hsieh (2000:201) reports that in Mod.Chinese the ąuality of being

foolish/silly may be expressed by means of reference to the names of both

domesticated and wild animals in the following contexts: niao ren MX 'a

bird-man' > 'a silly person', si zhu 5Eit 'a dead pig' 'a silly/stupid person'.

Likewise, Mod.G. blóde Ziege 'a silly goat', diese Schnepfe 'these snipes',

bioder Hund 'a silly dog', blóde Kamei 'a silly camel' are all used in the

extended sense 'a silly peson'.

In Mod.Chinese (see Hsieh (2000:201)) cowardice may be conveyed by

the following syntagmas: ruanjiao xia I^MPiS 'a soft-legged crab' > 'a weak,

cowardly person', gou xiong ^W, 'a black bear' > 'a coward' (cf. Mod.E.

Compare Mod.Pol. cielęce spojrzenie 'bovine look'.

154

155

chickcn 'coward'). Likewise, Mod.G. ein Esel in der Lowenliaut 'an ass in a

lion's skin', feiger Hund 'a coward dog', Sei kein Frosch! 'don't be a frog' (cf.

Mod.E. don 't be a chicken, Mod.Pol. nie bądź tchórzem 'don't be a polecat')

are all used as designation for coward people.

The ąuality of being stubborn emerges from the following Mod.Chinese

contexts (see Hsieh (2000:202)): niu er bu he shui bu neng qiang wen tou

^ 5E-'F Bf ?J< ^BB^itłinisli 'when an ox doesn't drink water, one cannot bend its

head down by force' > 'one cannot force stubborn people to do anything', niu

pi qi Ą-Wt-M. 'a stubborn ox' > 'a stubborn person', ding niu M41 from niu 41

'an ox' > 'a stubborn person'. Likewise, Mod.G. bockbeinig 'buck-legged',

bockig 'goatish', einen Bock haben 'to have a buck' > 'to be stubborn',

Rammbock 'battering ram', al ter Ochse 'an old ox', sturer Ochse 'a stubborn

ox' > 'a pig-headed person'; Stierkopfa bull's head', alter Hammel 'an old

wether', Du Hammel 'you wether', Zicken machen 'to make a she-goat of are

all used with reference to human stubborness.

It is worth mentioning that these are not only the names of domesticated

animals that are widely employed to describe human character/behaviour and

various physical characteristics, but also the names of wild animals are - in a

similar manner - used to this end. And so, Mod. Pol. żmija 'a serpent' is

secondarily used in the sense 'a bitchy woman', while Mod.lt. volpe 'a fox' and

Mod.Du. vos 'a fox' are used with reference to 'a cunning, deceitful person' and

'a cunning, sly person' respectively. Additionally, as pointed out by Kleparski

(2002), Mod.Du. wezel 'a weasel' has acąuired the sense 'a cowardly person',

makreel 'a mackrel' > 'a crazy person', havik 'hawk' > 'a conservative and

aggressive person', Mod.Ir. seabhac 'a hawk' is a secondary designation for a

heroic person; Mod.Russ. nonyzau 'a parrot' > 'a person repeating others'

words, not having one's own opinion', o6e3bHHa 'a monkey' > 'a person

imitating other people', eopona 'a crow' > 'a scatterbrained, careless person',

nee 'a lion' > 'a man who likes flirting with women', ope.n 'an eagle' > 'a

courageous person', nayx 'a spider' > 'a greedy, evil person', coea 'an owi' > 'a

person who goes to sleep late at night', ncmped 'a hawk' > 'an aggressive war

supporter'; Mod.SI. sova 'an owi' > 'a crabbed person', sokol 'a falcon' > 'a

brave, handsome young man', prepelica 'a ąuail' > 'a young, fidgety

girl/woman', pijavica 'a leech' > 'a parasitic person', vlk 'a wolf > 'a cmel

person', sakal 'a jackal' > 'a greedy, ferocious person', sysel' 'a pouched

mamiot' > 'a passive person', a greedy person', srseń 'a hornet' > 'an angry,

iiTitable person', trud 'a drone' > 'a lazy, parasitic małe', medved' 'a bear' > 'a

clumsy person', pav 'a peackock' > 'a proud małe', pavica 'a female peackock'

> 'a proud female', zając 'a rabbit' > 'a young, inexperienced person'; Mod.Sp.

cotorra 'a parrot' > 'a talkative person', hormiguita 'a (little) ant' > 'a hard-

working person', lince 'a lynx' > 'a shrewd person', loro 'a parrot' > 'a talkative

person', moscón 'a butterfly' > 'a creep', mosąuita muerta 'a (dead little) fly' >

'a seemingly harmless person', pato 'a duck' > 'a clumsy person', tiburón 'a

shark' > 'a ruthless person', zangano 'a drone' > 'a lazy person', zorro 'a fox' >

'a sly, crafty man'; Mod.Norw. gjok 'a cuckoo' > 'a stupid or unintelligent

person', ugle 'an owi' > 'a smart, intelligent person', rev 'a fox' > 'a sly person',

mus 'a mouse' > 'a ąuiet person', rotte 'a rat' > 'a disgusting, nasty person', ulv

'a wolf > 'a dangerous person', ape 'an ape' > 'a person who makes strange

sounds', kamei 'a camel' > 'a persevering person', hare 'a hare' > 'a frisky,

playful person', kenguru 'a kangaroo > 'a frisky, playful person', dovendyr 'a

sloth' > 'a lazy person', papegoye 'a parrot' > 'a person repeating others'

words', brevdue 'a pigeon' > 'a steady, faithful person', hakkespett 'a

woodchuck' > 'a person who makes very irritating sounds', ravn 'a raven' > 'an

untmstworthy person', hauk 'a hawk' > 'a person who knows about everything

that is going on', svane 'a swan' > 'a proud, indolent woman', slange 'a snake' >

'a creepy, scary, person', las 'a louse' > 'a person that bothers, irritates you'.

As shown by Dąbrowska (1994:332), in American-Spanish topo 'a mole',

atim 'a tuna', torcazo 'a pigeon' are all used metaphorically in the sense 'a

stupid person'. Nervous people are given the names of animals which are

perceived as the ones of restless behaviour, e.g. ser avispado 'like a wasp'

(Mod.Pol. zła jak osa), ser ima chichicua 'like a poisonous snake' (Mod.Pol.

jak jadowity wąż). Mean, stingy people are, as argued by Kany (1960:40-61),

perceived as the following animals: ostra 'an oyster', chucho 'a dog', mica 'a

monkey' and lagarto 'an alligator'.

Among non-Indo-European languages the following non-domesticated

animal terms are used figuratively to embody the conceptual dimension

BEHAYIOURICHARACTER: Mod.Hu. lajhdr 'a sloth/sluggard' > 'a lazy, idle

person', papagaj 'a parrot' > 'a person repeating others' words', majom 'a

monkey' > 'a person imitating others', kullancs 'a tick' > 'a hanger-on', /ereg-

'a worm' > 'an ill-natured person', róka 'a fox' > 'a sly, tricky person', bagoly

'an owi' > 'a person mainly active at night', 'a wise, experienced person',

szarka 'a magpie' > 'a person who likes to steal (shiny) things', kigyó 'a

snake' > 'a hypocritical double-dealing person', tacskó 'a dachshund' > 'an

inexperienced youngster', sdrkdny 'a dragon' > 'a woman who opresses her

husband, a shrew', kdrogó varju 'a croaking crow' > 'a person who tells

fortunes or spreads bad news'; Mod.Yoruba obo 'a monkey' > 'a silly person',

egbin 'a deer' > 'a good-looking person' and Mod.Basąue azeria 'a fox' > a

bold, impudent person'.

2.2.3. Further Obseruations and Partial Conclusions

The analysis of zoosemic developments embodying the conceptual

dimension BEHAVIOUR/CHARACTER makes it possible to postulate the

following radial structure:

156

157

Figurę 13. A radial structure illustrating the relationship between the conceptual categories

HUMAŃ BEING/DOMESTICATED ANIMAL and the conceptual sphere

BEMA VIOUR/CHARACTER.

As can be observed, the zoosemic shift DOMESTICATED ANIMAL > A

HUMAŃ BEING CHARACTERISED IN TERMS OF

BEHAVIOUR/CHARACTER displays many characteristics of a prototypc

structure and is viewed here as assuming the form of a radial network. It is

important to notę that certain aspects of instinctive animal behaviour or their

physical characteristics are highlighted and mapped on the category HUMAŃ

BEING giving rise to a number of zoosems in the case of which the

conceptual dimension BEHAYIOUR/CHARACTER is said to trigger semantic

change. As mentioned in the foregoing, the outeome of the mechanism of

zoosemy are the lexical items which seem to belong to the periphery of the

category HUMAŃ BEING, that is are less prototypical than such lexical

categories as man, woman, boy, girl, mother, father, son, etc. which may be

said to form the core of the category in ąuestion.

On the basis of the analysis of the linguistic materiał carried out in this section

a number of preliminary conclusions can be formulated. First, the process whereby

the names of domesticated animals start to designate behaviour/character is not

only typicał for English but may be said to be eąually productive in other

languages like, among others, Mod.Pol. (e.g. baran 'a ram' and osioł 'a donkey'

used secondariły in the sense 'a stupid person', cielę 'a calf' and kozioł ofiarny 'a

scapegoat' metaphorically employed with reference to a naive person, muł 'a mule'

> a designation for a slow person), Mod.G. (e.g. ałter Esel 'an old ass' > 'a stupid

person', Eselin 'a jenny/mare' > 'a stupid woman', dumme Gansl 'a stupid

woman', Gdnschen 'a gosling' > 'a stupid person', dummes Huhn 'a stupid hen' >

'a stupid woman', dummer Hund 'a stupid dog' > 'a stupid person'), Mod.Du. (e.g.

gans 'a goose' used in the secondary sense 'a silly woman', hond 'a dog' > 'a

mean person' and koe 'a cow' > 'a clumsy person', ezel 'a donkey' used

secondariły in the sense 'a stupid person'), American-Spanish (e.g. burro/asso 'a

donkey, ass', marrano 'a pig' &i\& pavo 'a turkey' all acąuire the secondary sense

'a stupid person', while chucho 'dog' is used in the sense 'a mean, stingy person')

or Mod.Chinese, e.g. ben/chun zhu śiS/llil 'a stupid pig' > 'an idiot', si zhu £tft

'a dead pig' > 'a stupid, dull-witted person', ben gon $£■$} 'a stupid dog' > 'a

stupid person', gou tou jun shi ^MMM 'a stupid dog' > 'a stupid, brainless

advisor', ben e SfcM 'a supid goose' > 'a stupid woman').

Second, the analysis of the English data shows that such families as

EOUIDAE, FELIDAE. CANIDAE, SUIDAE or BOVIDAE are a freąuently

employed source of terms embodying the conceptual dimension

BEHAYIOUR/CHARACTER. We have analysed a representative number of animal

terms (mule, colt, ass, dog, whelp, hound, curtal, hilding, dogbolt, holdfast, puppy,

filly, grimalkin, stray keout, pług, keffel, maverick, goose, gosling, chicken,

broody, hen, rabbit, mutt, houndsfoot, neddy, cuddy, donkey, shoat, sow, hog, pig,

lamb, sheep, ox, calf and buck), which in the history of English have undergone

zoosemic shift initiated by the conceptual dimension in ąuestion. By all means,

I his points to the considerable productivity of the said conceptual dimension in the

mechanism of zoosemy.

The latter metaphor, that is the process which involves the shift in the

directionality of mapping from a lower to a higher level on the GCB, comprises

the following cases:

Third, the process of metaphorisation observable in the analysis of the data in

this section is by all means bi-directional, that is either acąuiring the form

ANIMAL > HUMAŃ or HUMAŃ > ANIMAL. As pointed out in Chapter 1, the

structure of the GCB is characterised by its bi-directionality which involves

upward and downward mapping of attributes. Thus, it needs to be emphasised that

zoosems related to the conceptual dimension BEHAYIOUR/CHARACTER

represent two metaphors coherent with the structure of GCB, that is and . The

lbrmer metaphor, that is the process based on downward mapping involving the

transfer of attributes from the source domain which oceupies a higher position on

the GCB than the target domain, referred to as reversed zoosemy, is represented by

the following example:

158

159

Additionally, it must be pointed out that the list of metaphors presented abovc

includes both simple (uni-thread) cases, e.g. , , and complex (multi

tliread) cases of evolution, e.g. ,

, , . A

large number of multi-thread metaphors points clearly to the fact that the

mechanism of zoosemy is by no means internally uniform, but rather it tends to be

gradual, based on our knowledge, experience and perception of the world. The

semantic change is, therefore, as freąuently emphasised in the literaturę of the

subject, the mechanism which is deeply rooted in experience and based on

graduality and developmental processes.19

Finally, it needs to be stressed that some of the metaphorical transfers

analysed in this section are pejorative in character, e.g. , , ,

others like, e.g. , , are to be regarded as positive, or at

least neutral, that is devoid of evaluatively negative load, still others - however

i are - like, e.g. 01 may

cven be classified as (mildly) complimentary.

Last but not least, it must be noted that not all of the metaphorical

extensions analysed in this section are related exclusively to the conceptual

ilimension BEHAYIOUR/CHARACTER. On the contrary, some of the metaphors

subject to our iiwestigations are also linked to other conceptual spheres, e.g. the

conceptual zonę MORALITY (ERCEIVED AS A MULE>, ), PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONS (, ), CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM (),

ORIGIN/SOCIAL STATUS (). Clearly, this points to the fact

Ihat meaning construal may be said to be based on cross-domain mappings

involving several different conceptual dimensions.

On the graduality of semantic change see, among others, Kleparski (1988, 1990) and

A HUMAŃ BEING

CHARACTERISED IN TERMS OF MORALITY. Below, we propose an in-

depth analysis of the zoosemic development of the following lexical items:

bitch, cat, yaud, nag, minx, hangdog and sheep-biter.

BITCH: (15(h>20th centuries)

(16th>20,h centuries)

As the ODEE informs us, bitch corresponds to O.E. bicce and O.N. bikkja.

The OED conjectures that it is altogether uncertain what the relation of the two

words is, whether they are cognate or if not, which is adopted from the other.200

Bitch was first recorded in English at the beginning of the llth century in the

sense 'the female of the dog' (lOOOMod.E.). In tenns of the mechanisms

adopted here, the primary sense of bitch is explicable in terms of the

foregrounding of such conceptually central elements as (CANINE), (FEMALE)

and (ADULT) presupposed for the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF

SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...]

respectively. The following OED ąuotations illustrate this sense-thread of bitch:

clOOO Biccean meolc.

U

1842 Ali the dogs are well, I hope, and my favourite bitch.

In the middle of the 16th century the historically primary meaning of bitch

became generalised and the word started to be used with reference to the female of

" According to the OED, the O.N. bikkja may be regarded as the original, but the converse is

eąually possible. Mod.G. Betze, Petze, if related at all, must be a germanized fonu of bitch. The

history of the Mod.F. biche 'bitch', and biche 'fawn', and their relation, if any, to the English

word, are unknown.

ihe fox, wolf and occasionally of other beasts (1555>Mod.E.). The account of this

sense involves the actuation of the conceptually central values (LUPINE),

(FEMALE) and (ADULT) forming parts of the attributive paths of such CDs as

DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE

|...] respectively. This sense-thread of bitch emerges from the following OED

quotations:

1555 The dogge tiger beynge thus kylled they..came to the demie where the bytche

i emayned with her twoo younge suckynge whelpes.

n

1825 The whelp of a tóc/z-catamount.

Already at the outset of the 15th century - by the process of animal

metaphorisation - the analysed lexical item started to be applied opprobriously to a

woman201 in the sense 'a lewd/sensual woraan' or 'a malicious/treacherous

woman'202 (1400>Mod.E.).203 As argued by Palmatier (1995:30), in Mod.E. bitch

is used with reference to a devious, selfish, heartless, malicious or domineering

woman. The author claims that all of these negative senses derive from the

polygamous behaviour of the female dog and her disagreeable naturę when she is

in heat.204 As pointed out by Mills (1993:27), towards the middle of the 16,h

century, influenced by the sense of lewdness, the derivative bitchery was used to

denote harlotry and in 1675 the verb to bitch meant both to cali anyone bitch and

to freąuent the company of lewd women. Today bitch does not seem to have lost

any of its early association of lewdness. Mills (1993:27) ąuotes Miller and Swift's

(1977) sex discrimination case which revolved round [...] whether the word

bitch205 used by a małe in reference to a woman carries any inference of bias or

prejudice against women.206 The counsel of defence in this sex discrimination case

argued that a bitch is a female dog which, when in heat, actively seeks

insemination; judged by the cultural standards of the time, such a dog is

considered lewd - one of the meanings of bitch when applied to women. The

counsel continued that during gestation and immediately after giving birth a

female dog develops a behaviour pattern which may be said to be spiteful,

malicious, unpleasant and selfish. Notice that bitch conveys the same connotative

meaning when used of a woman as it does when used of a female dog and in using

For an analysis of bitch see Kardela and Kleparski (1990).

202 Wright (1898-1905:276) argues that in Yorkshire dialect bitch is a term applied, with no

disrespectful meaning to a woman, e.g. That lass ez a soci bitch.

203 In Mod.E. the word can also be used of things in the sense 'something outstandingly

difficult or unpleasant', e.g. 1956 That's how it is on this bitch of an earth {OED) or We'11 have a

bitch of a time getting home at this hour (WTNIDU).

204 See also ATWS, CE, IRCD and NDAS.

205 Bold minę.

206 Quoted from Mills (1993:27).

164

the word a speaker [...] betrays a preconceived judgement that a woman's

behaviour is directed by her reproductive function; it also repudiates her for want

of docility to the małe? 7 Therefore, the use of bitch [...] does manifestprejudice

and discriminatory attitude towards women as a group and [...] coiwersely,

betrays prejudice toward the woman ofwhom it is said because ofher sex. On the

other hand, Rawson (1989:43) states that bitch is an insult when applied to a

female human, but it covers up a number of exceptions. For example, bitch may be

used in an affectionate and admiring way.208 The author notices that by the

beginning of the 19th century bitch had become a strong taboo word. It seems that

the taboo against the temi stemmed primarily from its associations with a dog in

heat. Rawson (1989:44) says that to cali a woman a bitch was to imply that she

was not only a prostitute but worse - that she was lewder and morę lascivious even

than a professional retailer of sex. Grose (1796) in his CZ)PTcharacterised bitch as

[...] the most offensive appellation that can be given to an English woman, even

morę piwoking than that of whore, as may be gathered from the regular

BiUingsgate or St. Giles answer -1 may be a whore, but can 't be a bitch. Rawson

(1989:45) continues that inhibitions against bitch have largely relaxed in the

course of the 20Ul century and the meaning of the word has become adulterated, so

that it no longer stands for whore.209

The cognitive account of the senses 'a lewd/sensual woman' and 'a

malicious/treacherous woman' involves the highlighting of the conceptually

central values (HUMAN), (FEMALE) and (ADULT) forming parts of the

attributive paths of such CDs as DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF

SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...}, respectively, attended by the

activation of the relevant locations within the attributive path of DOMAIN

OF MORALITY [...] and DOMAIN OF BEHAVIOUR/CHARACTER [...],

with the negatively tinted elements (LEWD)A(SENSUAL) and

(MALICIOUS)A(TREACHEROUS) brought to the fore. The rise of this sense

thread of bitch is evidenced by the following OED ąuotations:

?al400 Whom calleste thou ąueine, skabde bichel

1575 Come out, thou hungry needy bitch.

1944 For it may be a bitch of a Peace.

207 Quoted from Mills (1993:28).

208 This is demonstrated by the last words of Jonathan Swiffs last letter to Stella (Esther

Johnsosn, 6/6/1713): [...] as I was coming into town, andjust received your letter, I said aloud -

Agreeable bitch.

209 Common current forms include a bitch 'anything bad or difficult', as in Frank got drunk

as a bitch today; to bitch 'to gripe or grumble'; bitch box 'a loudspeaker'; bitch off'to annoy', as

in That bitches me off; bitch session 'a group of complainers in the act thereof; bitch up 'lo

confuse or botch up'; buli bitch 'a woman with masculine traits'.

At the beginning of the 16th century bitch was - via zoosemic extension -

first employed for a man, but it was definitely less opprobrious than when

applied to a woman, and somewhat whimsical, having the modern sense of dog,

i.e. 'a surly, cowardly and despicable fellow' (150O1916) (see Wright (1898-

1905:276)). To account for this sense-thread of bitch, apart from positing the

link to the already specified conceptually central CDs and their respective

attributive values, one can speak of the rise of an entrenchment relation to the

attributive path of the peripheral DOMAIN OF BEHAVIOUR/CHARACTER

[...], for which the negatively charged attributive values

(SURLY)A(COWARDLY)A(DESPICABLE) become prominent. The following

OED ąuotations illustrate this sense of the analysed lexical category:

alSOO He is a schrewed byche, In fayth, I trow, he be a wyche.

1916 Is your lazy bitch of a brother gone yet?

Thus, it emerges from our discussion of the historical development of bitch

that towards the end of the Mid.E. period (15lh>21st centuries) the analysed

lexical category started to function as a zoosem embodying not only the

conceptual dimension MORALITY, but also the conceptual zonę

HEHA VIO UR/CHA RAC TER.

CAT: (13th>20th centuries)

(15(h>18,h centuries)

(20fh century)

(20fh century)

According to the OED, AHDIR and ODEE, the Mod.E. cat is a common

Huropean name of unknown origin and it corresponds to L. cattuslcatta, Mod.lt.

gatto, Mod.R gato, Mod.Fr. chatlgattalcata. The Germanie forms recorded in

(he OED include O.E. catlcatt, Mod.Dan. kat, Mod.Du. kat, Mod.Sw. katta,

Mod.G. Katze and - ultimately - Pro.Ger. *kattuz/*kattón-/*kat(a)zon-.210 The

hi story points to Egypt as the earliest home of the domestic cat, and the name is

generally sought in the same ąuarter (see the OED).

According to Biedermann (1992) and Jaffe (2001), cats are an image of

wholeness - a merger of the physical and spiritual, the psychic and the sensual.

For a cat, these are not separate worlds, but one. They have been tagged with a

variety of traits, including curiosity, nine lives, independence, cleverness,

2,0 The OED further infonns us that cat is also present in Celtic, e.g. O.Ir. cat, Gael. cat,

Welsh and Cornish cath, Breton kaz and in Slavic, e.g. O.SI. kot'ka, Mod.Bulg. kotka, Mod.Slov.

kol, Mod.Russ. kotlkolchkalkoshka, Mod.Pol. kot, as well as Mod.Lith. kate and Mod.Fin. katli.

unpredictability, and healing. During the thousands of years in which the cat has

lived among human beings it has been venerated at one period as a deity, and al

other times cursed as a demon.

As pointed out in the literaturę, in her Cult ofthe Cat, Dale-Green (1975:75)

says: Like the moon it (the cat) comes to life at night, escaping from humanity

and wandering over the house-tops with its eyes beaming out through the

darkness. Many people believed the cat was the child of the moon and it was

said that [...] the moon brought forth the cat. This curious link has been

regarded as due to [...] the changeableness of the pupils ofthe eye, which in the

daytime is a merę narrow linę, dilatable at night to a luminous globe. From the

magie of their eyes arose the belief that cats were seers with strong mediumistic

powers. In the East the cat is said to bear away the souls of the dead, and in

some parts of West Africa, it is accepted that the human soul passes into the

body of a cat at death.

People and cats are often linked, the former being described in terms of the

latter, in such areas as appearance, (puss 'an attractive girl'), objectionable

behaviour (puppy 'an impertinent young man'), contemptible attitude (gib 'an

old woman') and morality (alley cat 'prostitute').

The word cat was first recorded in English at the beginning of the 9,h century

and used in the sense 'a well-known carnivorous ąuadruped (Felis domesticus)'

being kept to destroy mice and as a house pet'. On our interpretation, the

semantics of the primary sense of cat is accountable for in terms of an

entrenchment link to the attributive paths of the three CDs, that is DOMAIN OF

SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...], which

construe the conceptual core of the analysed sense and for which such attributivc

values as (FELINE), (EPICENE) and (YOUNG) are activated. The following

exemplary contexts extracted from the OED illustrate this sense-thread of cat:

a800 Fellus (felis), catte.

n

cl050 Muriceps, cat.

n

1832 The ruffians who threw dead dogs and dead cats at the Duke.

At the beginning ofthe 15th century the word cat started to designate a wild

cat, Felis Catus, the only representative of the feline genus found native in Greal

Britain (140O1847). The account of this sense involves the foregrounding ofthe

conceptually central values (FELINE), (EPICENE), (ADULT) and (WILD)

forming parts of the attributive paths of such CDs as DOMAIN OF SPECIES

[...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...], DOMAIN OF AGE [...] and DOMAIN OF

ORIGIN [...] respectively This sense-thread of cat emerges from the following,

OED ąuotations:

el400 For hare, and foxe, and wild cattes.

1847 The Wild Cat..is now confmed to Scotland, some of the woods in the North of

Kngland, the woody mountains of Wales, and some parts of Ireland.

The analysed lexical item was - via the process of animal metaphorisation -

first used figuratively as a term of contempt for a human being in the 13th

century (see Wright (1898-1905:535)).2" At that time it was employed in the

sense 'one who scratches like a cat; a spiteful or backbiting woman'

(1225>1926). In terms of our analysis, we can say that for the analysed sense of

(-at the actuation of the conceptually central value (HUMAN) is attended by the

foregrounding ofthe elements (EPICENE) and (YOUNG/ADULT), specified for

Ihe attributive paths of DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...],

as well as the highlighting of the peripheral values (ONE WHO SCRATCHES

I.1KEACAT)A(SPITEFUL), (BACKBITING) and (CONTEMPTIBLE) forming

parts of the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF CHARACTER AND

BEHAVIOUR [...], DOMAIN OF MORALITY [...] and DOMAIN OF

ABUSE [...] respectively. The following OED ąuotations testify to this sense-

thread of colt:

u 1225 HweSer be cat of helle claurede euer toward hire.

1601 A pox upon him for me, he's morę and morę a Cat.

1778 She was a speaking cat.

l')26 Buy nothin'... It's you kind of cats that make it tough on us, buyin' chuck.

In the first half of the 15th century cat developed the slang sense 'a

prostitute'212 (1401>1708). As noted by Mills (1993:40) cat may have noble

origins but over the centuries the word has tended to have extremely negative

connotations especially when associated with women. The author continues

(hat the sense 'a prostitute' may have been influenced by the old superstition

(hal the devil's favourite form was that of a black cat and the subseąuent

•issociation of black cats with witches.2 3 By the 19* century this sense had

pcjorated even further and cat was used colloąuially for the vagina - as was

jnissy. The 1811 edition of the 7J> F77 reveals several derogatory and specifically

Icrnale uses of cat: an old cat was a cross old woman; catamaran was slang

lor a scraggy old woman or a cross-grained, vixenish old woman; cat-witted

2,1 On this issue see also ATWS, BDPF, CE, JRCD and LTA.

212 See also Rawson (1989:73) and Partridge (2002:188).

" '' The conclusion that might be drawn at this point is that what is unknown and/or

Micomprehensible becomes pejoratively marked on the human side.

168

169

meant small-minded, obstinate and spiteful. Mills (1993:41) argues that łn lin*

20th century cat mostly lost its former sexual connotations, but continued to lic

a denigraling epithet when used of a woman: cat is a mean spiteful woman; tu

be catty is to be given to malicious gossip.

Apart from the involvement of the conceptually central CDs and attributivr

values specified above, the rise of the new sense-fhread ('a prostitute') may W

accounted for by positing yet another link to the attributive path of Ilu-

conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF MORALITY [...], with tli.-

simultaneous highlighting of the negatively charged attributive valm-

(PROSTITUTE). The following OED ąuotations testify to the existence of liii:.

sense-thread of cat:

1401 Be ware of Cristis curse, and oicattis tailis.

1670 Cat, a common Whore.

U

1708 Wrigglers, Misses, Cats, Rigs.

Moreover, towards the middle of the 20th century we witness the start ol

the process of ameliorative rise seen in the development of the slang sense 'an

expert in or one expertly appreciative of jazz' (1922>1958). According In

Palmatier (1995:66), the original cool cat, the hepcat was a devotee of jay,

musie. The relevant sense is accountable for in terms of an entrenchment linl

to the attributive path of DOMAIN OF PROFESSIONS/SOCJAI

FUNCTIONS [...], for which the attributive value (JAZZ EXPERT) r.

activated. This sense-thread of cat emerges from the following OFI>

ąuotations:

1922 (title ofbalłef) Krazy Kat.

Z

1958 'It's got beat and a lot of excitement,' said one teenage 'cat'l talked to.

Finally, in the second half of the 20,h century cat developed yet anollu i

metaphorical slang sense, i.e. 'a regular guy/fellow' (sińce 1957). Mili

(1993:41) notices that when applied specifically to a man, cat can IIIIM

positive connotations: a hep-cat is a man who dresses in the latest style an.i

who pursues women for sexual purposes. Rawson (1989:73) agrees that dii

meaning 'a man' has acąuired flattering connotations in recent timr.

Traditionally, however, the małe human cat was a hobo or other itinerant willi

no fixed abode. The author claims that this sense is in keeping with I li'

classical image of the cat as the symbol of liberty, no animal being moi-

opposed to restraint.

Thus, in terms of the mechanisms adopted for the analysis carried out hen

the semantics of the sense-thread in ąuestion is accountable for in terms ol' ,u>

entrenchment link to the attributive paths of the three - already specified -

conceptually central CDs, attended by the activation of the conceptually

peripheral attributive values (GUY)A(FELLOW) specifiable for the attributive

path of DOMAIN OF FORMS OF ADDRESS [...]. The following data

cxtracted from the OED illustrate this sense-thread of cat.

1957 Cat, regular fellow, guy.

U

1959 The coloured cats saw I had an ally, and melted.

Rawson (1989:73) argues that cat appears in a great many combinations,

phrases and proverbs which include, among others, cats paw 'a person who is

uscd as the tool of another, from a fable about a smart monkey who used a cat's

paw to rake chestnuts out of a fire'; the alley cat 'a person with somewhat

n-laxed sexual standards, one who has the morals of an alley cat, a prostitute';

///c copycat 'one who imitates the actions of another'; the fat cat 'a rich person,

cspecially a big contributor to political campaigns'; the tomcat 'a małe who is

DII the make; one who is all dressed up, out on the town, and looking for female

rompanionship'; catamount 'a fierce, sharp-tongued woman; a shrew' (see

Rawson (1989:74)); cat-burglar 'a burglar that nimbly enters houses from the

inoP (sińce 1919); cat-market 'many persons all speaking at the one time'

(I9ll>20tl centuries); cat-meatpusher 'a street vendor of cooked horse-flesh'; a

rat on test dodge 'a ladylike beggar worrying ladies at their houses for money'

11 8701914) (see Partridge (2002:188-189)).

Therefore, as our discussion of metaphorical extensions of cat shows, already

iluring the course of the Mid.E. period the analysed lexical category started to

lunction as a term related not only to the conceptual sphereMO7Ł4L/7T(13th>20th

.■■•iituries), but also to the conceptual zones BEHAVIOUR/CHARACTER (13,h>20,h

r.-nturies) and CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM (13th>20lh centuries), and later - in

ilu: Mod.E. period - it started to be linked to the conceptual sphere

/ 'ROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONS (20fh century).

VWD: (lS-^ló"1

centuries)

The word yaud is certainly of Germanie origin and it corresponds to O.N.

lalda and Mod.Sw. dialectal jdlda 'a poetic word for marę' (see ODEE). In

\i\j\\ish yaud was first recorded in written sources at the beginning of the 16lh

■ inluiy in the sense 'an old marę' or 'an old/worn-out horse' (1500>1866).

I herefore, in an attempt to account for the historically primary sense of yaud

■ 'an

old marę' or 'an old/worn-out horse' (16th century)). In other words, if one

were not aware of the fact that yaud is etymologically related to the 14lh

century jadę 'a poor or worn-out horse', one would be tempted to conjecture

that the anałysed word may be said to represent a case where an animal

receives its name from a lexical item originally used as a human term, the

process earlier referred to as reversed zoosemy.

NAG:

(16,h>17th centuries)

(16fh>17th centuries)

(18th>19th

centuries)

(19th century)

Sonie etymological sources (see the OED, EDME) inform us that nag, a

word for 'a smali riding horse or pony', and later 'an inferior or aged and

unsound horse' is of obscure origin but apparently akin to Mod.Du. negge 'a

smali horse' (see WTNIDU), O.E. hncegan 'to neigh', Mid.H.G. negen 'to neigh'

and O.N. gneggja. As shown below, nag was first recorded in English towards

the middle of the 15th century (14401879). In tenns of our theoretical

apparatus, we may say that for the original semantics of nag the highlighting of

the value (EQUINE) specified for the attributive path of DOMAIN OF

SPECIES [...] is attended by the activation of the elements (EPICENE) and

(ADULT/OLD), presupposed for the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF SEX

[...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...]. Apart from the entrenchment relation to the

attributive paths of these conceptually central CDs, one may feel justified to talk

about the foregrounding of such negatively charged conceptual elements as

(WORTHLESS), (UNSOUND), (INFERIOR) (CONTEMPTIBLE), presupposed

for the attributive paths of such CDs as DOMAIN OF UTELITY [...], DOMAIN

OF PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE [...], DOMAIN

OF ORIGIN [...] and DOMAIN OF ABUSE [...] respectively. The following

evidence extracted from the OED testifi.es to the existence of the discussed

sense-threads of nag:

cl440 Nagge, or lytylle beest, bestula, eąuiUus.

1509 Thus Correction, with her whyp did dryve The litle nagge.

1617 They have very little horses in these parts to draw the Waggons, like to the

galloway nags of Scotland.

1732 Get on Pegasus..or mount the white nag in the Revelation.

1879 Lend to a King's friend here your nagi

At the beginning of the Mod.E. period - by the process of zoosemic

extension - we witness the rise of a no vel sense, namely 'a contemptible

woman/paramour' (1598>1606). This sense-thread involves the highlighting of

the value (HUMAN) presupposed for the attributive path of DOMAIN OF

SPECIES [...], attended by the activation of the elements (FEMALE),

(ADULT) specifiable for the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and

DOMAIN OF AGE [...] respectively. Additionally, thus specified network of

CDs and actuated attributive values is attended by the foregrounding of the

ncgalively tinted elements (LEWD)A(PARAMOUR) and (CONTEMPTIBLE),

presupposed for the attributive paths of the conceptually peripheral DOMAIN

OF MORALITY [...] and DOMAIN OF ABUSE [...]. The analysed sense-

thread of nag emerges from the following OED ąuotations:

1598 Hence lewd nags away, Goe read each poast,..Then to Priapus gardens.

The witlesse sence Of these odde naggs, whose pates circumference Is fild with froth!

1606 Yon ribaudred Nagge of Egypt.Hoists Sailes, and flyes.

Mills (1993:176) observes that nag is [...] yet another example of the horse

metaphor which suggests a woman is a mounf to be 'ridden' by małe ridei:"

The word underwent the process of such far-reaching sexual downfall thal

]¥TNIDUunder the entiy nag lists the morally negative sense 'a prostitute'.216 li

is evident that the connotation of a tired old horse started to be used to denigratc

and ridicule all women, not merely old and tired ones. Notice that in the 19''

century naggy/ie was B.E. slang for vagina - derived most probably from the

earlier sense of 'a prostitute'. Due to the further development of mis word, by

the end of the 191880). Mills

(1993:176) draws our attention to the fact that nagging is an importanl

ingredient in the negative stereotype image of the housewife, the mother-in-law

and the mother alike. The account of the novel sense-thread of the word in

ąuestion prompts us to postulate an entrenchment link to the attributive path of

the peripheral DOMAIN OF CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR [...], for

which the evaluatively charged attributive values (IRFJTATING)A(FAULT

FINDING)A(SCOLDrNG) are actuated. The following OED evidence illustrates

the relevant sense-thread of nag:

1828 Knag, to wrangle, to ąuarrel. to raise peevish objections.

U

1880 If they are always nagging and grumbling they will lose their hołd of their children.

214 Bold minę.

215 On this sense of«1750 nag was also used in the

sense 'a penis'. Hence, in phrases tether (one's) nag '(of a małe) to coit' and water (one's) nag Mo

urinate'. The plural nags was in the 19th>early 20* centuries employed in the sense Mesticles'.

2,7 In this sense nag may derive from a word of Scandinavian origin: cf. Mod.Norw. and

Mod.Sw. nagga, Mod.Dan. nagge Mo gnaw, bite, nibble; to vex, irritate; to be painful', Mod.lccl.

nagga, Mo complain', with the related noun nagg (Mod.Dan. nag) 'gnawing, remorse, rancour,

pain'.

Thus, as shown by the above analysis of the metaphorical extensions of nag,

during the course of the E.Mod.E. the discussed lexical category started to function

;is a term related not only to the conceptual zonę MORALITY (16th>19lh

••enturies), but also to the conceptual dimension CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM

(16lh>17lh centuries), and later - in the Mod.E. period - it started to be linked to

Ihe conceptual sphere BEHAV10URJCHARACTER (19,h century).

MINX: (16th>29th

centuries)

(16'">20th centuries)

As evidenced by the OED, the lexical category mmx is of somewhat obscure

migin; possibly a corruption of minikin, with the added -s not uncommon

ilialectally in playful terms of endearment, e.g. ducks, darlings, pets. hi English,

lowards the middle of the 16lh century minx was used in the sense 'a pet dog' or 'a

proper name' (1542>1605). hi an attempt to account for the historically primary

:;nnse of minx one must posit an entrenchment relation to the attributive paths of

Ihe following conceptually central CDs: DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...],

DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...], for which such attributive

values as (CANINE), (EPICENE), (YOUNG/ADULT) are activated. Moreover,

Ihe foregrounding of the said conceptual elements is attended by the activation of

I lic attributive values (PET)A(PROPER NAME), presupposed for the attributive

path of the conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF FUNCTIONS [...]. The

following OED ąuotations testify to the historically primary sense-thread ofminx:

IS42 There been litle mynxes, or puppees that ladies keepe in their chaumbers for

i-speciall iewelles to playe withall.

When I am houngry I am a litle mynxe fuli of playe, and when my bealy is fuli, a mastife.

U

1605 Milk-white Minks and Lun (Gray-bitches both, the best that ever run).

At the close of the 16th century the primary sense of mim was extended -

via animal metaphorisation - to a pert girl/hussy, the sense which, according to

Ihe OED, in Mod.E. is often merely playful (1592>1882). In this respect, Mills

(1993:161) notices that by the 1590s minx had degenerated to denote a pert or

liussy, and for a woman to be described as pert is certainly far from

romplimentary. The account of this sense involves the highlighting of the

.onceptually central values (HUMAŃ), (FEMALE) and (YOUNG/ADULT)

forming parts of the attributive paths of such CDs as DOMAIN OF SPECIES

|...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...], respectively,

nllcnded by the activation of the relevant locations within the attributive paths of

. onceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF CHARACTER AND BEHAYIOUR

|,,,| mul DOMAIN OF MORALITY [...], with the negatively charged

conceptual elements (PERT) and (HUSSY) brought to the fore. The

mctaphorical sense-thread of minx emerges from the following OED ąuotations:

1592 Thus, you mira, Ile teach you ply your worke.

Z

1882 We shall be sorry ifthis young mira. brings morę trouble on the Agates.

Almost simultaneously with the rise of the previous sense, towards the end of

the 16Ul century minx218 developed a novel sense-thread - 'a lewd or wanton woman'

(16*>19,h centuries). Rawson (1989:249) argues that minx was [...] applied to

women, especially forward or outright wanton ones, including prostitutes. As noted

by Mills (1993:161), in the 20* century minx ameliorated and was applied to a young

woman who is considered pert and sly. In the case of the semantics of the newly-

developed 16* century sense-thread - apart from the network of entrenchment

relations to the attributive paths of the conceptually central CDs mentioned above -

is accountable for in terms of the rise of entrenchment link to the attributive path of

DOMAIN OF MORALITY [...], for wliich the negatively tinted attributive values

(LEWD)A(WANTON) become prominent. The following OED ąuotations testify to

the rise of this sense-thread ofmimc:

1598 Magalda,..a truli ovniinxe.

1602 Nerctooke from him this minxe that knew the trickes of the occupation.

1678 They are a Couple of alluring wanton Miiues.

1728 And so, sir, I leave you and your mira together.

1941 Minx, prostitute.

Therefore, having analysed the semantics of mmx one may conclude that

during the course of the E.Mod.E. the discussed lexical category started to

function as a zoosem related not only to the conceptual dimension MORALITY

(16th>20th centuries), but also to the conceptual sphere

BEHAVIOUR/CHARACTER (16,h>19th centuries).

HANGDOG: (17th>19th centuries)

(17th>19th centuries)

218 As a verb, the word mim was used in the 17* century in the sense 'to play the minx\ e.g.

{OED 1609) The Apologue describes Venus trans-fonned waiting maide, who beeing trick't vp like

a Gentle-woman, minkst it a while til she spied a Mouse, but then madę it knowne shee was a Cat.

The lexical category hangdog is a compound formed from the verb hang

(O.E. hangenlhangian) and the noun dog.219 As evidenced by the OED, the word

appeared in English in the second half of the 17'1 century and was originally

used with reference to a despicable or degraded fellow22 fit only to hang a dog

or to be hanged like a dog (1687>1840).221 According to Palmatier (1995:182),

in late medieval and Renaissance England, dogs could be charged, convicted and

hanged for certain crimes. The author claims that the appearance of a hanged

dog did not discourage other dogs from committing crimes against the state, but

it madę ąuite an impression on the citizenry, because this metaphor has been

around for over 300 years. Notę that people have a hangdog demeanour when

they are abject, cowed, dejected or desperate. Another related expression to stay

until the last dog is hung refers to the lynching of criminals or dirty dogs in the

American West and a hangdog look/expression is a look of shame, guilt,

desperation or defeat which alludes to the facial expression of a hanged dog (see

Palmatier (1995:182).222

The relevant evaluatively pregnant sense is explicable in terms of an

entrenchment relation to the attributive path of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...] and

the highlighting of the attributive value (HUMAŃ), attended by the activation of

the elements (MAŁE) and (ADULT) forming parts of the attributive paths of

DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...] respectively. Additionally,

apart from these conceptually central CDs the semantics of the historically primary

sense of hangdog involves an entrenchment link to the attributive paths of the

conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF MORALITY [...] and DOMAIN OF

ABUSE [...], for which the evaluatively charged attributive values

(DESPICABLE) and (DEGRADED) are brought to the fore. The following OED

ąuotations illustrate the historically primary sense-thread of hangdog:

1687 There's the hangdog his man.

1772 The Uang-dogs who murdered Christ.

n

1840 Paws off.You young hang-dog.

Towards the close of the 17th century hang-dog was used in the sense 'a Iow,

degraded man' or 'having a base or sneaking appearance' (1677>1893). In terms of

our analytical framework, one seems justified to say that apart from being

foregrounded for such attributive values as (HUMAŃ), (EPICENE) and (ADULT)

219 The etymology of this noun has already been explained elsewhere.

220 Partridge (2002:527) points to the sense 'a pitiful rascal'.

221 Compare Mod.Pol. wieszać na kimś psy 'to hang dogs on someone' used in the sense

'criticise someone' which is similar in meaning to Mod.E. give a dog a bad name and hang him Tf

you want to do anyone a wrong, throw dirt on him or raił against him' (see BDPF).

222 See also ATWS, BDPF, DEI, EWPO, HF and IRCD.

specifiable for such CDs as DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX

[...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...] respectively, which constrae the conceplunl

core of this lexical category, the no vel sense-thread shows entrenchment links I o

the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS ANI)

APPEARANCE [...], DOMAIN OF ABUSE [...] and DOMAIN OK

ORIGIN/SOCIAL STATUS [...], for which the evaluatively negative values

(BASE)A(SNEAKING), (DEGRADED) and (LOW), respectively, are activalcil.

This sense ofhangdog emerges from the following OED ąuotation:

1677 A sąuinting, meager, hang-dog countenance.

Z

1826 I can't have the hang-dog look which the unfortunate Theseus has.

Z

1893 They sat silent and hang-dog throughout.

Thus, it emerges from our discussion of the historical evolution of hangdog thal

towards the end of the E.Mod.E. period (\1^>\96" centuries) the analysed lexical

categoiy started to function as a zoosem linked not only to the conceptual zono

MORALITY, but also to the conceptual spheres ORIGIN/SOCIAL STATUS and

APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS.

SHEEP-BITER: (16th>17th centuries)

(16th>18th centuries)

(17th>18fh centuries)

As pointed out by WTNIDU, the lexical category sheep-biter coiTesponds to

W.Fris. skieppebiter. In English it was first used in the middle of the 16* century

in the sense 'a dog that bites or worries sheep' (1548>1831). The conceptual

core of the analysed lexical category is determined by the existence of

entrenchment links to the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...],

for which the attributive value (CANINE) is highlighted, DOMAIN OF SEX

[...] with the attributive element (EPICENE) activated, as well as DOMAIN

OF AGE [...] for which the age-specific attributive value (ADULT)

becomes prominent. The conceptual periphery of this lexical category

shows a conceptual link to the attributive path of DOMAIN OF

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND BEHAVIOUR [...], with the

evaluatively negath/e attributive element (ONE THAT BITES OR WORRIES

SHEEP) foregrounded. The following OED ąuotations illustrate this sense-thread of

sheep-biter.

1548 Lyke shepe byter curres to snach vp and it wear but a sory lambe for their prey.

Z

1664 Their eares like sheep-biters they hang'd.

Z

1831 The public.are running in upon them as at the last hour of a parish sheep-biter.

Towards the end of the 16th century - by the process of zoosemy - sheep-biter

slarted to be used with reference either to a malicious/censorious fellow' or 'a

shifty, sneaking/thievish fellow' (1589>1778). On our interpretation, we may

speak of the rise of entrenchment links to the attributive paths of CDs due to the

activation of which the semantics of sheep-biter became linked to the conceptual

categoiy HUMAŃ BEING. In particular, the evidence ąuoted below justifies

positing certain links relating the semantics ot sheep-biter to the relevant locations

specifiable for the attributive paths of the conceptually central DOMAIN OF

SPECIES [...], for which the attributive value (HUMAŃ) is brought to the fore,

DOMArN OF SEX [...] with the sex-specific attributive element (MAŁE)

activated, as well as DOMAIN OF AGE [...], for which the age-specific

attributive value (ADULT) is actuated. Additionally, it must be stressed that the

conceptual periphery of the sense in hand involves links to the attributive paths of

DOMAIN OF CHARACTER/BEHAVIOUR [...] and DOMAIN OF

MORALITY [...] with the evaluatively negative attributive values

(MALICIOUS)A(CENSORIOUS) and (SHrFTY)A(SNEAKING)A(THEVISH)

activated. The OED provides the following ąuotations illustrating the historically

secondary sense ot sheep-biter:

1589 What say you to that zealous sheepebyter of your owne edition in Cambridge.

Z

1778 Fil throttle you, you sheep-biter.

Another sense-thread that developed - via zoosemic extension - at the end

of the 16th centuiy was that of 'a great mutton-eater'223 (1599>1640). When we

set this historically secondary semantic pole of sheep-biter against the network

of CDs involved in the application of lexical categories variously associated

with the conceptual category HUMAŃ BEING, we see that its internal position

is at the conceptual fringes of the conceptual category in ąuestion. The

conceptual peripherality of the analysed category is determined by the existence

of entrenchment links to the attributive path of DOMAIN OF BEHAVIOUR

AND CHARACTER [...], for which the conceptual elements (MUTTON-

EATER)A(GLUTTON) are activated. The analysed historically secondary sense

ot sheep-biter is documented with the following selected OED ąuotations:

223 According to Partridge (2002:1047), in the early 18* centuiy sheep-biter developed the

sense 'a butcher'.

1599 Then the sly sheepe-biter issued into the midst.

Z

1640 The Character of the Glutton..a tornienter of Poultry,..a tenible Sheep-biter; a

horrible Mutton-monger.

Finally, at the beginning of the 171'1 century sheep-biter developed yel

another zoosemically extended sense, namely 'a woman-hunter/whoremonger'

(1611>1719). To account for the existence of this sense-thread of the word -

apart from the link to the attributive paths of the already specified conceptually

central CDs and attributive values - one can speak of the rise of an

entrenchment relation to the attributive path of DOMAIN OF MORALITY

[...], for which the evaluatively negative elements (WOMAN-

HUNTER)A(WHORE-MONGER) become prominent. The following selected

OED ąuotations illustrate the analysed sense-fhreads of sheep-biter.

1611 I wish all such old sheepe-biters might alwaies dippe their fingers in such sauce to

their mutton.

1630 You shall see an old sheep-biter..with a slavering lip, a bleare-eye.., courting of a

comely Lady.

Z

1719 You that are plying for Sheepbiters here, And hope to sell your Mutton Loyns so dear.

As argued by Palmatier (1995:341), in Mod.E. sheep is used with reference to

a timid person. The author claims that the sheep is, at the same time, both the most

forceful mammal (the ram), and the most defenceless mammal (the ewe), and the

lamb is the most defenceless of all sheep. A person who is referred to as a sheep is

vulnerable, gullible, impressionable and easily influenced but others.224 It seems

that the analogy is madę to the ewe or lamb, not to the ram. On the other hand, the

Mod.E. expression to be sheepish means to be awkward, bashful, embarrassed, shy

or timid. Palmatier (1995:341) claims that the female sheep is the meekest of all

animals: no one's predator and everyone's prey. A sheepish person is the one who

is nai've, guileless, defenceless and lacking in aggression. Interestingly, a sheepish

grin is not worn by a sheepish person, who is innocent and without guile. On the

contrary, it is morę likely to be found on the face of someone who has been

exposed for committing a petty crime or indiscretion: guilt is written all over

his/her face (see Palmatier (1995:341)). Moreover, as evidenced by Rawson

(1989:148), the figurative semantics of sheep is found in such compounds as

sheep-headed 'dumb' or sheep-hearted 'cowardly'.

Thus, as our analysis of the metaphorical extensions of sheep-biter shows,

during the course of the E.Mod.E. period (16th>18th centuries) the lexical

category sheep-biter started to function as a zoosem embodying not only the

See also ATWS, BDPF, DEI and IRCD.

conceptual dimension MORALITY, but also the conceptual sphere

BEHAYIOUR/CHARACTER. The mechanism of zoosemy discemible in the

case of the lexical categories discussed in this section, i.e. bitch, cat, yaud,

nag, minx, hangdog and sheep-biter is displayed in Figurę 14 below:

Figurę 14. The operation of the process of zoosemy linked to the conceptual dimension

MORALITY.

180

The aim set to the figurę given above is to visualise overall tendencies rathci

than particular semantic alterations that have taken place in the history of English

where - by the process of zoosemic extension - animal names undergo the proces:;

of metaphorisation via the conceptual dimension MORALITY and give rise l o

figurative shifts in meaning targeted at various locations of the conceptual

category HUMAŃ BEING.

As pointed out in Chapter 1, in the case of zoosemy two basie facts related to

the already mentioned GCM must be obligatorily taken into account (see Fontecha

and Catalan (2003:781)). The first one pertains to our understanding of the non

human in terms of the human. hi the case of animals we know that they have bolli

instinctual attributes and behaviour, and they lack other higher-order attributes and

behaviour peculiar to human species, such as, for example, the capacity for

reasoning or morał judgment. However, language users metaphorically attach

human features to animals in order to visualise and understand their behavioui

better. Second, it is commonly believed that all entities have special properties,

which are thought of as their most salient or prototypical characteristics. Tliis is

what Lakoff and Turner (1989:196) refer to* as the ąuintessential property. Willi

regard to bitch, cat, yaud, nag, minx, hangdog and sheep-biter we tend lo

concentrate on their instinctive behaviour traits and physical characteristics o I"

these animals or - alternately - the utilitarian purposes for which they are

employed, e.g.:

'x can bark at and bite people it does not live with'225 {bitch),

'x can scratch people/x is an independent/unpredictable animal'226 (cat),

'x is an old marę or an old/worn-out horse' (yaud),

'x is a smali riding horse or pony' or 'an inferior or aged and unsound horse' (nag),

'x is a pet dog' (minx),

'x is a dog that bites or worries sheep' (sheep-biter).

These may be said to be their ąuintessential properties metaphorically

ascribed to them by humans. This common knowledge of designates of bitch,

cat, yaud, nag, minx, hangdog and sheep-biter defers to a cognitive model that is

only loosely based on scientific knowledge. Be that as it may, the point is that by

means of another metaphor, instinctive behaviour traits and utilitarian

properties if any, as the ąuintessential properties of bitch, cat, yaud, nag,

minx, hangdog and sheep-biter, come back - so to speak - to human beings.

Thus, the metaphor S/he is a bitch/cat/yaud/nag/minx/hangdog/sheep-biter

coached in terms of the mechanisms of the GCM, is to be understood in the

following way: Evidently, human morality is metaphorically mapped onto the

conventional schema for bitch/cat/yaud/nag/minx/hangdog/sheep-biter to create

225 See Wierzbicka (1985:170).

226 See Biedermann (1992).

our commonplace schema of these animals. In other words, the sentence He is

ii bitch/cat/yaud/nag/minx/hangdog/sheep-biter conveys the meaning:

'She is a lewd/sensual or a malicious/treacherous woman', 'He is a surly, cowardly and

dcspicable fellow' (bitch)/

'She is a spiteful, backbiting woman', 'She is a prostitute', 'S/he is an expert in jazz' (cat)/

'She is a strumpet/whore' (yaud)/

'S/he is a contemptible person', 'She is a paramour/prostitute', S/he is an irritating, fault-

linding, scolding or urging person' (nag)/

'She is a pert girl/hussy or a lewd/wanton woman' (minx)l

'Ile is a despicable or degraded fellow', 'He is a Iow fellow having a sneaky or base

appearance' (hangdog)/

'Ile is a malicious/censorious, shifty/sneaking/thievish fellow', 'S/he is a mutton-

eater/glutton', 'He is a woman-hunter/a whore-monger' (sheep-biter).

What is really metaphorical about these exemplary contexts is that a person's

morality is understood in terms of the rigidity of the bitch, cat, yaud, nag, minx,

hangdog and sheep-biter's animal instinct. hi other words, the context He is a

bitch/cat/yaud/nag/minx/hangdog/sheep-biter maps the rigidity or the stereotypical

naturę of a certain behaviour trait of the animals involved onto specific

characteristic features of human species.

2.3.2. hi Search of Parallels front Other Periods in the History of English

The lexical items linked to the family OVIDAE which have undergone some

form of zoosemic development related to the conceptual zonę MORALITY are ram

and goat. And so, as evidenced by the OED, the lexical categoiy ram is of

Germanie origin (cf. O.E. ram(m), Mod.G. Ramme 'a rammer, naval ram'). It has

been present in English in the sense 'a female sheep' sińce the first half of the 9 '

eentury (825>Mod.E.). At the beginning of the 20* century ram acąuired the

metaphorical sense 'a sexually aggressive man/a lecher' " (1935>1977). The

semantic history of Germanie goat (cf. O.E. gdt, Mod.Du. geit, Mod.G. Geisz,

Mod.Sw. get, Mod.Dan. ged and - ultimately - Pro.Ger. *gait-), goes back to the

beginning of the 8(h century when it started to be employed in the sense 'a

ruminant ąuadmped of the genus Capra' (700>Mod.E.). In the second half of the

17(h century goat started to be applied metaphorically to a licentious man228

227 Consider the following OED syntagmas:

1935 Ram, a małe, sexual enthusiast. > 1977 One day, May will rise up on the ram she has for a

luisband and pan him in the chops.

228 This sense emerges from the following OED ąuotations:

1675 When a covetous man doteth on his bags of gokLthe drunkard on his winę, the lustful goat

on his women..they banish all other objeets. > 1863 1 think this devotion of your life to musie has had

the tendency..to make you intellectually an ass and morally a goat.

(1675>1863), and at the beginning of the 20(1 century we witness the rise of the

sense 'a fool/dupe'229 (1916>1971).

Other zoosemic developments which are associated to the families SUIDAE,

FELIDAE and EOUIDAE and are metaphorically linked to the conceptual sphere

MORALITY include such lexical items as: gilt, alley cat, lit and rip. According to

the OED and ODEE, the Germanie gilt is akin to Mod.Icel. gylta 'a young sow',

Mod.G. Gelze and Mod.Du. gelt(e). It was first recorded in English in the first half

of the 15fh century in the sense 'a young sow or female pig' (1440>Mod.E.).

During the course of the 17* century the analysed word was used in the figurative

sense 'a thief or burglar'230 (16201673). The lexical category alley cat231 acąuired

the sense 'a cat that freąuents alleys/a stray cat' in the middle of the 16th century

(1552>1946). Towards the middle of the 20lh century it started to be used with

reference to a loose woman/a prostitute ~ (1942>1946).

According to the OED, the word tit is of onomatopeic origin used originally as a

term for a smali animal or object and it corresponds to dialectal Mod.Norw. titta 'a

little girl', and Mod.Icel. tittr 'a little pług or pin; a titmouse'. In English, the

semantic histoiy of tit goes back to the middle of the 16th century when it started to

be used in the sense 'a horse smali of kind or not fuli grown; a nag' (1548>Mod.E.).

Secondarily, at the close of the 16(h century the word started to be applied

indiscriminately to women, usually in depreciation or disapprovał, especially one of

loose character, a hussy, a minx233 (1599>1969). Rip, a word of uncertain etymology,

in the second half of the 18th century started to be applied to an inferior, worthless or

worn-out horse (1778>1883). At the close of the 18* century the analysed lexical

category began to be secondarily employed in the sense 'a worthless, dissolulc

fellow/a rake'234 (1797>1951) or 'an unchaste woman'235 (1791>1910).

229 This sense is evidenced with the following OED contexts:

1916 The drarmer's writ be Shakespeare, years ago, About a barmy goat called Romeo. > 1971

'I must discipline these idiots,' Omolo said to himself... 'I must beat them today, goatsY

230 The following OED evidence testifies to this sense-thread of gilt:

1620 Leauing not a Pick-pockets, Gilts, Lifts, Decoyes, or Dyvers Hose unsunjeyed. > 1673 lic

maintains..a correspondence with Gilts and Lifters.

231 The etymology of cat is explained elsewhere in this chapter.

232 Consider the following OED data:

1942 Ragamuffin..alley cat. Siat, alley cat. Prostitute, alley cat. > 1946 They're as ąuarrelsoim

as a couple of alley cats.

233 The metaphorical sense-thread of tit is evidenced with the following OED ąuotations:

1599 He hath his tit, and she likewise her guli; Guli he, truli she. > 1969 'Tire old tit' dodderrtl

forth... I see her as a kind of..diminutive nun, untouched and unprotected.

234 The sense 'a worthless, dissolute fellow/a rake' emerges from the following OED syntagnw;,1

1797 This rip of a son shall be trained to the church. > 1951 Would you believe it, the old ///>

had a flutter in Norland Deeps himself?

235 The sense 'an unchaste woman' is evidenced with the following OED contexts:

2.3.2. Toiuards Parallels in Other Languages: Polish, Russian, Italian, Frencli,

Spanish, Norwegiem, Bascjtie and Hungarian

As argued by Zimnowoda (2003:106), in Mod.Pol. a base person may be

referred to as klępalświnia 'a pig, sow' or suka 'a bitch'. On the other hand, kobyla

'a hack' is used at present to designate 'an experienced prostitute whilepszczółka

'dim. a bee' is employed in the extended sense 'a courtesan' and osioł 'a donkey'

may function in present-day Polish in the sense 'a prostitute's client'.

According to Baider and Gesuato (2003:26), in Mod.lt and Mod.Fr. we find a

number of animal terms related to the conceptual zonę MORALITY, e.g. Mod.lt.

porco and maiale 'a pig-(masc/sing)' > 'a lustful man', troione 'a sow-(aug-

masc/sing)' > 'a big sow/pig' > 'a very lustful man', ciccct 'a hen' > 'a prostitute',

giumenta 'a mare-(fem/sing)' > 'a prostitute', mięcia 'a donkey-(fem/sing)' > 'a

prostitute', vacca 'a cow' > 'a prostitute', frisona 'a cow-(fem/sing)' > 'a

prostitute', troia 'a sow-(fem/sing)' > 'a prostitute', troione 'a sow-(aug-

masc/sing)' > 'a prostitute' or 'a lustful woman', pecora 'a sheep-(fem/sing)' > 'a

prostitute', cagna 'a dog-(fem/sing)' > 'a promiscuous woman; a prostitute', gatta

'a cat-(fem/sing)' > 'a prostitute; vagina'; Mod.Fr. poule (de luxe) 'a hen' > 'a

prostitute', poulette 'a smali hen' > 'a prostitute', pouliche 'a young marę' > 'a

prostitute', chienne 'a bitch' > 'a promiscuous woman', canasson 'a horse' > 'an

old prostitute' > carne 'a carcass, a bad horse' > 'an old prostitute', charogne 'a

carcass, a bad horse' > 'an old prostitute', trute 'a sow' > 'a fat and unclean

woman/easy woman', vache 'a cow' > 'a prostitute', porc 'a pig-(masc/sing)' > 'a

lustful and unpleasant man\ faunę 'a faun-(masc/sing)' > 'a seducer', cochon 'a

pig-(masc/sing)' > 'a lustful man'.

Moreover, zoosems embodying the conceptual dimension MORALITY may

also be found in other languages, both Indo-European, e.g. Mod.Russ. ceimbH 'a

pig, swine' > 'an immoral person'; Mod.Sp. cerdo 'a pig' > 'an ill-natured or dirty

and gluttonous person'; Mod.Norw. hoppe/merr 'a marę' > 'an evil-minded

woman' and non-Indo-European, e.g. Mod.Basąue ahardia 'a sow' > 'a dirty,

despicable woman', txakur emea 'a bitch' > 'an evil-minded, spiteml woman' and

Mod.Hu. ven kecske 'an old goat'> 'an aged, lecherous man'.

It should be pointed out that these are not only the names of domesticated

nnimals that are employed to embody the conceptual sphere MORALITY. Quite the

opposite, the terms which primarily refer to gamę, insects or wild animals are

'a

prostitute, sałope 'an unclean bird' > 'a promiscuous woman' and MooMt.falena 'a

inolh-(fem/sing)' > 'a sexually unstable woman', farfalla 'a butterfly-(fem/sing)' >

a sexually unstable woman/prostitute/vagina', lucciola 'a firefly-(fem/sing)' > 'a

1791 The chariot wheels of the coroneted rip, hurrying on to the guilty assignation. > 1910 Rip,

,i coarse ill-conditioned woman with a bad tongue.

184

185

prostitute', lupa 'a wolf-(fem/sing)' > 'a prostitute', zoccola 'a sewer rat-

(fem/sing)' > 'a prostitute', pantegana 'a big rat-(fem/sing)' > 'a prostitute',

gabbiana 'a sea gull-(fem/sing)' > 'a prostitute', ąuaglia 'a quail-(fem/sing)' > 'a

sexually easy woman', mandrillo 'a mandrill-(masc/sing)' > 'a lustful man', fauno

'a faun-(masc/sing)' > 'a lustful man', falco 'a falcon-(masc/sing)' > 'a good

seducer', cobra 'a cobra-(masc/sing)' > 'a deceitful seducer'; Mod.Sp. zorra 'a

vixen > 'a whore'; Mod.Russ. nucą 'a fox' > 'a cunning, devious person', 3Men 'a

viper' > 'an evil, spiteful person'.

Among the non-Indo-European languages the following non-domesticated

animal terms are used figuratively to embody the conceptual dimension

MORALITY: Mod.Basąue ahardia 'a sow' > 'a dirty, despicable woman', txakur

emea 'a bitch' > 'an evil-minded, spiteful woman'; Mod.Hu. potkany 'a rat' > 'a

base, mean person', tetu 'a louse' > 'a base, mean person', góreny 'a polecat' > 'a

cunning, sly, dishonest person'.

2.3.3. Further Obseruations and Partial Conclusions

Our analysis of zoosemic developments embodying the conceptual dimension

MORALITY makes it possible to postulate the following radial stmcture:

Figurę 15. A radial stmcture illustrating the relationship between the conceptual categories

HUMAŃ BEING/DOMESTICATED ANIMAL and the conceptual sphere MORALITY.

As can be observed, the zoosemic shift DOMESTICATED ANIMAL > A

HUMAŃ BELNG CHARACTERISED LN TERMS OF MORALITY displays

many characteristics of a prototype structure and is viewed here as assuming the

form of a radial network. It is vital to notę that certain aspects of instinctive animal

behaviour or their physical characteristics are highlighted and mapped on the

category HUMAŃ BEING giving rise to a number of zoosems in the case of

which the conceptual dimension MORALITY may be said to trigger semantic

change. As mentioned in the foregoing, the outcome of the mechanism of zoosemy

are the lexical items which seem to belong to the periphery of the conceptual

category HUMAŃ BEING, that is are less prototypical than such lexical

categories as man, woman, boy, girl, mother, father, son, etc. which may be said to

constitute the core of the category in ąuestion.

On the basis of the analysis of the linguistic materiał carried out in this section

a number of preliminary conclusions may be formulated. First, the process

whereby the names of domesticated animals start to designate morality traits is not

only typical for English but may be said to be eąually productive in other

languages like, among others, Mod.Pol. (where a base person may be referred to as

klepał świnia 'a pig/sow' or suka 'a bitch', kobyla 'a hack' is used to designate 'an

experienced prostitute while pszczółka 'dim. a bee' is employed in the extended

sense 'a courtesan' and osioł 'a donkey' may function in the sense 'a prostitute's

client'), Mod.lt. (e.g. porco and maiale 'a pig-(masc/sing)' > 'a lustful man',

troione 'a sow-(aug-masc/sing)' > 'a very lustful man', cicca 'a hen' > 'a

prostitute', giumenta 'a mare-(fem/sing)' > 'a prostitute', miccia 'a donkey-

(fem/sing)' > 'a prostitute'), Mod.Fr. (e.g. poule (de Iwce) 'a hen' > 'a prostitute',

poulette 'a smali hen' > 'a prostitute', pouliche 'a young marę' > 'a prostitute',

chienne 'a bitch' > 'a promiscuous woman', canasson 'a horse' > 'an old

prostitute' > carne 'a carcass, a bad horse' > 'an old prostitute').

Second, the analysis of the English data shows that such families as

EOUIDAE, FELIDAE, CANIDAE, SUIDAE or BOVIDAE are a freąuently

employed source of terms embodying the conceptual dimension MORALITY. We

have analysed a representative number of animal terms (bitch, cat, yaud, nag,

mim, hangdog, sheep-biter, ram, goat, tit, gilt, alley cat, tit, alley cat and rip),

which in the history of English have undergone zoosemic shift via the conceptual

dimension in ąuestion. By all means, this points to the considerable productivity of

the said conceptual dimension in the mechanism of zoosemy.

Third, it becomes fairly obvious that the process of metaphorisation

observable in the analysis of the data in this section is by all means bi-directional,

that is either acąuiring the form ANIMAL > HUMAŃ or HUMAŃ > ANIMAL.

As pointed out in Chapter 1, the generał structure of the GCB is characterised by

its internal bi-directionality which involves upward and downward mapping of

attributes. hi the case of upward mapping the source domain occupies a lower

position on the GCB than the target domain, e.g. Mary is a real cow. On the other

liand, downward mapping involves the transfer of attributes from the source

domain which occupies a higher position on the GCB than the target domain, e.g.

an independent cat. Thus, it needs to be emphasised that zoosems related to the

conceptual dimension MORALITY might potentially represent two metaphors

coherent with the stmcture of GCB, that is and . However, it is only the

latter metaphor, that is the process which involves the shift in the directionality of

186

187

mnpping Ironi a lower to a higher level on the GCB that becomes involved herc

Ihc zoosemic evolution embodying the conceptual dimension MORALIT)

compnses the following cases:

Additionally, it must be pointed out that the ąuantum of metaphors

diagrammed above includes both simple (uni-thread) cases, e.g. and complex (multi-

thread) examples, e.g. ,

, ,

and . As argued in previous

sections, a large number of multi-thread metaphors points clearly to the fact that

the mechanism of zoosemy is by no means internally uniform, but rather gradual,

based on our knowledge, experience and perception of the world. The semantic

change must be viewed, as freąuently emphasised in the existing literaturę, as the

mechanism which is deeply rooted in experience and based both on graduałity and

developmental processes.

Moreover, it needs to be stressed that some of the metaphorical extensions

analysed in this section are pejorative in character, e.g. , others like,

e.g. may be regarded as

evaluatively positive, or at least neutral, that is devoid of evaluatively negative

load, while others - however rare - like, e.g. may even be classified as (mildly) complimentary.

189

Last but not least, it must be noted that not all of the metaphorical extensions

analysed here are related exclusively to the conceptual dimension MORALITY. On

the contrary, sonie of the metaphors subject to our iiwestigations are simultaneously

linked to other conceptual spheres, e.g. the conceptual zonc

BEHAYIOUR/CIiARACTER (), CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM () and

PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONS (). Clearly, this points to the fact that meaning construal may be said to be

based on cross-domain mappings involving several different conceptual dimensions.

2.4. Conceptual Dimension CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM: stot, marę,

gib, trundle-tail, long-tail, pup, puppet, pnssy, puss, horse and

bob-tail

Beyond doubt, one of the driving forces behind the operation of zoosemy is

culture- and belief-dependent236 in that people tend to perceive animals as

possessing certain, freąuently distorted, characteristics (see Persson (1990:169)),

and apply these stereotypical pictures to human beings they do not like, despise

or simply wish to insult, mock or ridicule. Thus, the aim set to this section is to

examine to which extent the conceptual dimension CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM'is to

be held responsible for mappings leading to the zoosemic shift DOMESTICATED

ANMAL > A CONTEMPTIBLE HUMAN BEING. Below, we analyse the

zoosemic development of the following lexical items: stot, marę, gib, trundle-

tail, long-tail, pup, puppet, pussy, puss, horse and bob-tail.

STOT: (14th>16th centuries)

(19thcentury)

As evidenced by many etymological sources (see CEDEL and EDME), the

lexical item stot is of Germanie origin and it corresponds to O.E. stot(t), O.N.

stut-r 'a buli', Mod.Sw., stut, Mod.Dan. stud 'a young ox'. As confirmed by the

OED, in its primary sense, that of 'a horse of an inferior kind', the word was

recorded in English already at the beginning of the 12th century (1100>1440). In

the middle of the 13,h century stot extended its meaning and started to be used in

the sense 'a young castrated ox, a steer' (1251>1883). hi terms of the

mechanisms adopted here, the primary sense of stot is explicable in terms of the

highlighting of such conceptually central elements as (EQUINE/BOVINE),

(EPICENE) and (YOUNG/ADULT) presupposed for the attributive paths of

DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF

AGE [...] respectively. Moreover, one must posit an entrencliment link to the

attributive paths of the conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF ORIGIN [...]

and DOMAIN OF SEXUAL ACTIVITY [...], for which the evaluatively

negative values (INFERIOR) and (CASTRATED) are activated. The following

OED ąuotations illustrate tliis sense-thread of stot:

allOO &£et is vii oxen..& ii stottas.

1251 [For twenty oxen or] stottes [or as many cows without young].

Z

cl440 Stot, hors, caballus.

Z

1883 Transported from a desert moor where were no inhabitants but Highland 'stots'.

At the close of the 14* century - by the process of animal metaphor - stot

became a term of contempt used with reference to a woman (1386>1500), and in

the second half of the 19th century it developed the sense 'a stupid, clumsy

person'237 (1877>1894). On our interpretation, the construal of this sense

involves the foregrounding of the conceptually central values (HUMAN),

(EPICENE) and (ADULT) forming parts of the attributive paths of such CDs as

DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF

AGE [...], respectively, attended by the highlighting of the relevant locations

within the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF ABUSE [...] and DOMAIN OF

CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR [...], with the negatively charged elements

(CONTEMPTIBLE) and (STUPID)A(CLUMSY) activated. The analysed sense-

threads of stot emerge from the following OED ąuotations:

cl386 'Nay, olde Stot, that is nat myn entente' Quod this Somonour.

Z

al500 Prostibulum, a hous of stottys.

Z

1877 Stot, a foolish or awkward person.

1894 The great stot of a farm lad.

Thus, it emerges from our discussion of the semantics of stot that already during

the course of the Mid.E. period the analysed lexical categoiy started to function as a

term related not only to the conceptual zonę CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM"(14S16*

centuries), but also to the conceptual sphere BEHAVIOURJCHARACTER (19,h

centuiy).

For morę on this issue see, among others, Lipka (1996:63-64).

See Wright (1898-1905:791).

MARĘ: (14th century>Mod.E.)

According to available etymological sources {ODEE, CDEL), the history ol'

the lexical category marę goes back to O.E. mearh, Mod.Du. merrie, Mod.G.

Mahre 'jadę', Mod.Sw. mdrr, Mod.Welsh march and - ultimately - Pro.Ger.

*marhjó(n)-l*marho-z 'horse'. The word has been present in the English lexicon

sińce the beginning of the 10th centuiy and its historically primary sense is 'the

female of any eąuine animal as the horse, ass or zebra' (900>Mod.E.). On our

inteipretation, the semantics of the primary sense of marę is accountable for in

terms of an entrencliment link to the attributive paths of the three CDs, that is

DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF

AGE [...], which constme the conceptual core of the analysed sense and for

which such attributive values as (EQUINE), (FEMALE) and (ADULT) arc

activated. The following exemplary contexts extracted from the OED illustratc

tliis sense-thread of marę:

a900 Cwist 6u baet pe sy leofre basre myrcm sunu bonne past Godes bearn?

clOOO Equa, merę.

cll75 He brohte hine uppen his wenie [= jumentum Lukę x. 34] bet is unorne marę.

cl290 ho wende forth a man, bat with him eode: and huyrde him a merę, For an Englichs

peni.

cl386 Youre hors goth to the fen With wilde mares.

1467 No horsez ner marys stande in the markett.

1549 Baytht horse & meyris did fast nee, & the folis nechyr.

1615 A Bitch whelps at foure moneths; a Marę Foales the ninth.

al774 A park, where he kept mares for breed.

1855 He comes to me with another letter and a face as long as my marę 's.

At the outset of the 14" century - by the process of figurative extension -

marę was first applied contemptuously to a woman238 (1303>Mod.E.). As argued

by Mills (1993:179), at that time marę started to be used with reference to a

woman, drawing upon the sexual imagery of a woman as a mount to be ridden

by a małe rider. Similarly, Partridge (2002:722) describes the metaphorical sense

of marę as 'an unpleasant and bad-tempered woman' and points out that in the

1930s and 1940s it was a term for a prostitute. In terms of our analysis, we may

say that for the analysed sense of marę the highlighting of the conceptually

central value (HUMAŃ) is attended by the activation of the elements

(FEMALE) and (ADULT), specified for the attnbutive paths of DOMAIN OF

SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...], as well as the foregrounding of the

negatively tinted values (DESPISED)A(CONTEMPTIBLE) forming some of the

elements of the attributive path of the conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF

ABUSE [...]. The following OED ąuotations testify to this sense-thread of

marę:

1303 And shame hyt ys euer aywhare To be kalled 'a prestes marę'.

1508 This Dewlbeir, generit of a meir of Mar, Wes Corspatrik, Erie ofMerche.

1590 The man shall have his marę again.

1922 She's a gamey marę and no mistake.

1953 Forgot her keys! Bali! These mares give me the creeps.

GIB: (16th>17,h

centuries)

As documented by the OED materiał, the word gib is a familiar

abbreviation of the name Gilbert. At the beginning of the 15th century this

lexical item started to be used in the sense 'a familiar name given to a cat'

(1400>1640) and - in the second half of the 16lh century - it acąuired the

sense 'a cat, especially a małe cat/one that has been castrated'23 (1561>1804).

Therefore, in an attempt to account for the historically primary senses of gib

one must posit an entrenchment relation to the attributive path of DOMAIN

OF SPECIES [...], for which the attributive value (FELINE) is highlighted.

The activation of this conceptual value is attended by the foregrounding of the

attributive element (EPICENE) specifiable for DOMAIN OF SEX [...], as

well as the actuation of the attributive values (ADULT), (FAMILIAR NAME)

and (CASTRATED) forming parts of the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF

AGE [...], DOMAIN OF TERMS OF ADDRESS [...] and DOMAIN OF

SEXUAL ACTIVITY [...], respectively. The following exemplary contexts

extracted from the OED iłlustrate these sense-threads of gib:

cl400 Gret: wel: gibbe: oure: cat.

n

1561 Naturę she foloweth, and playeth the gib, And at her husband dooth barkę and

ba[w]ll, As dooth the Cur.

1640 He playes fy gib with his thunderbolt of Excommunication.

U

1804 Gib, a małe cat, castrated.

"* According to Wright (1898-1905:35), in the 19'" centuiy marę was used as a term of abuse

[...] among the lowest women of Newcastle.

239 Partridge (2002:731) evidences the use of gib in the comparative phrase as melancholy as

agib-cat {\59Q>\UQ).

In the first half of the 16n century - via animal metaphorisation - gib

became a term of reproach, especially for an old woman (1529>1687).

According to Wright (1898-1905:603), in the 19th century gib was also used

for a young woman whose manners were childish.240 Thus, the 1611 century

evidence given below justifies positing links relating the semantics of fhis

sense-thread to the relevant location specifiable for the attributive path of

DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], such as (HUMAŃ), the relevant sex-specific

location (FEMALE) within the attributive path of DOMAIN OF SEX [...],

as well as the activation of the element (OLD) presupposed for the

attributive path of DOMAIN OF AGE [...] and - simultaneously - the

highlighting of the negatively charged attributive value (CONTEMPTIBLE)

forming one of the elements specifiable for the attributive path of DOMAIN

OF ABUSE [...]. The following OED ąuotations illustrate the extended

sense of gib:

al529 She is a tonnish gyb.

al687 And humbly the old Gib beseeches To shew her utmost Skill and Cunning.

TRUNDLE-TAIL: (17,h>18th centuries)

According to the OED, the compound category trundle-tail is of

Germanie origin and it is etymologically linked to O.E. trendel 'a

circle/ring/circus', Mod.Sw. dialectal trinnel and Pro.Ger. *trendilo-. In the

second half of the 15lh century the analysed word started to be used in the

sense 'a dog with a curly taił' or 'a low-bred dog/a cur' (14S6>1820). In

terms of our analytical apparatus, we may say that for the historically

original sense of trundle-tail the foregrounding of the value (CANINE)

specified for the attributive path of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...] is

attended by the activation of the elements (EPICENE) and (ADULT)

presupposed for the attributive paths of the conceptually central DOMAIN

OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...]. Moreover, one must posit an

entrenchment link to the conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF ORIGIN

[...], DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND

APPEARANCE [...] and DOMAIN OF ABUSE [...], for which the

conceptual elements (LOW-BRED), (ONE WITH A CURLY TAIŁ) and

(CONTEMPTIBLE) are activated. The following evidence extracted from

the OED testifies to this sense-thread of trundle-tail:

1486 Myddyng dogges. Tiyndel-tayles, and Prikherid curris.

1599 A trundle-taile tike or shaugh or two.

al639 Amongst curs a trendle tale.

U

1820 The very brutes are degenerated..our hounds are turnspits and trindle-tails.

Throughout the 17lh century - via animal metaphorisation - trundle-tail241

was freąuently applied contemptuously to a person (1614>1706). The semantics

of this extension is accountable for in terms of an entrenchment link to the

attributive paths of the conceptually central DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...],

DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...] for which the

highlighting of the attributive values (HUMAŃ), (EPICENE) and (ADULT) is

attended by the activation of the negatively charged element

(CONTEMPTIBLE) presupposed for the attributive path of the conceptually

peripheral DOMAIN OF ABUSE [...]. The following OED ąuotations testify to

this sense-thread of trundle-tail:

1614 Doe you sneere, you dogs-head, you Trendle taylel

1632 How now my fine Trundletayles; My wodden Cosmographers.

Z

1706 Trundle-tail, a Wench that runs fisking up and down with a draggled Taił.

LONG-TAIL:

(17th>18fh centuries)

At the outset of the 17fl century the word long-tail was freąuently applied to

a dog or horse with the taił uncut (1602>1930). In the first half of the 19fh

century the original sense was extended to incłude the long-tailed duck Clangula

hyemalis (1837>1958), and - at the beginning of the 20th century - long-tail

developed the sense 'the white-tailed tropie bird, Phaethon lepturus'

(1905>1960). For the historically original sense-threads of the analysed lexical

category one may postulate the existence of an entrenchment link to the

attributive path of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...] with the attributive values

(CANTNE/EQUINE/WATERFOWL/TROPIC BIRD) foregrounded, attended by the

activation of such attributive values as (EPICENE) and age-specific (ADULT)

presupposed for the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF

AGE [...]. Moreover, one must postulate an entrenchment link to the attributive

paths of the conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL

240 Consider the following example:

1865 She's a silly yung gib yit, though she's been married a twel'munth an' hes a baby.

In the 17" century the analysed word was applied to a curly taił (of a dog). This is

evidenced with the following OED quotations: al625 Like a poor cur, clapping his trindle taił

Betwixt his legs. > 1651 Rough with a trundle Taił, a Prick-ear'd Cur.

CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE [...], for which the values (WITH

THETATLUNCUT)/(LONG-TArLED)/(WHITE-TAILED) activated. The following

OED ąuotations testify to the historically primary sense-threads of long-tail:

1602 He hath bestowed an ounce of Tobacco vpon vs, and as long as it lasts, come cut

and long-taile, weele spend it as liberally for his sake.

al700 Riff-raff,..Tagrag and Long-tail.

1837 Heralda, or the long-tails.

1865 Ten brace morę or less of 'longtails' [= pheasants].

1905 The tropie bird commonly called 'longtail'.

1930 Some high-priced coursing dogs, - longtails as they were called-were brought into

the colony.

1958 A number of immature long-tails may be seen in the Channel from November

onwards.

1960 White-tailed Tropicbird... Local names:..Boatswain Bird; Long-tail.

In the first half of the 17 l century long-tail was first used metaphorically in the

sense 'a nickname for a native of Kent'242 (1617>1701). As the OED informs us, the

rise of this specific sense was thought to be in allusion to the jocular imputation that

the people of Kent had tails (cf. the ąuotation from 1661).243 The 17* century sense-

thread hivolves the highlighting of the value (HUMAŃ) presupposed for the

attributive path of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], attended by the activation of the

elements (EPICENE), (ADULT) specifiable for the attributive paths of DOMAIN

OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...] respectively. Additionally, thus

specified network of CDs and attributive values activated is attended by the

foregrounding of the negatively charged element (CONTEMPTIBLE) presupposed

for the attributive path of DOMAIN OFABUSE [...]. The analysed sense-thread of

long-tail emerges from the following OED ąuotations:

1617 The Kentish men of old were sayd to have tayles, because trafficking in the Low-

Countries, they never paid fuli.but still left some part unpaid.

n

al661 'Kentish Long-Tailes'... It happened in an English Village where Saint Austin was

preaching, that the Pagans therein did beat and abuse both him and his associates,

opprobriously tying Fish-tails to their backsides; in revenge whereof an impudent Author

relateth..how such Appendants grew to the hind-parts of all that Generation.

Z

1701 We, the Long Heads of Gotham,..To the Long-Tails of Kent, by these Presents send

Greeting.

PUP: (16t,,>19t"

centuries)

(19th>20fl1 centuries)

The available sources agree that the lexical cdlegory pup is a shortened form

ofpuppy.244 At the end of the 16th century this lexical item started to be applied

contemptuously to people (1589>1870). The construal of this historically

primary sense involves the highlighting of the conceptually central values

(HUMAŃ), (EPICENE) and (ADULT) forming parts of the attributive paths of

such CDs as DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and

DOMAIN OF AGE [...], respectively, attended by the activation of the relevant

locations within the attributive path of the conceptually peripheral DOMAIN

OF ABUSE [...], with the evaluatively negative conceptual element

(CONTEMPTIBLE) actuated. The historically primary sense-thread of pup

emerges from the following OED ąuotations:

1589 Why haue you not taught some of those Puppes their lenie?

1856 There were \hvee pups..& parcel of supercilious fellows, who, with a piece of glass

stuck in their eye, survey the crowd as if contamination dwelt amongst them.

1870 Down in the cock-pit the Commodore's 'pups', as the merciless, cacophonic 'street'

argot denominates the broker friends of Vanderbilt, are making an ineffective rally.

In the second half of the 18th century the word245 developed the sense 'a

young dog, a whelp/a young puppy' (1773>1873). In an attempt to account for

the historically secondary sense of pup246 one must posit an entrenchment

relation to the attributive paths of the following conceptually central CDs:

DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF

AGE [...], for which such attributive values as (CANINE), (EPICENE) and

(YOUNG) are activated. The following OED ąuotations testify to the

historically secondary sense-thread of pup:

1773 A Pupp with two mouths and one head.

1873 We have also a big Newfoundland/n/p growing up.

242 On this sense see also Partridge (2002:697).

243 Interestingly, the French madę the same aceusation against Englishmen generally (see the

OED). Additionally, as evidenced by Partridge (2002:697), the word was also used in the sense 'a

Chinaman' (19th century> 1911).

"' This lexical category is analysed elsewhere.

" In the 18" century pup was used as a verb 'to bring forth pups, to litter'. Consider the

following OED contexts: 1725 If they are all over white; that is, pupp'd without any Spot upon

them > 1787 Shepupped on the 24th of February 1787, and had six puppies'.

" According to Partridge (2002:935), the context in pup was used in the sense 'pregnant'

(1860-1867).

196

At the close of the 19fl century pup" was used in colloąuial American

English with reference to a youthful or inexperienced person/a beginner

(1890>1977). Apart from this, as evidenced by Partridge (2002:935), pup was

also used of a school or college pupil (about 1871) and in RAF it was used in the

sense 'a pupil pilot' (about 1943). On our interpretation, we may speak of the

rise of an entrenchment link to the attributive path of the conceptually peripheral

DOMAIN OF CHARACTER AND BEHAVIOUR [...], with the attnbutive

values (rNEXPERIENCED)A(BEGINNER) brought to the fore. This sense-

thread of pup is documented with the following OED contexts:

1890 You ride very nicely indeed for a 'pup'.

1903 'Here's a pup,' cried Big Kennedy, with his hand on my shoulder, 'I want you to

łook over.'

1977 I can remember my Daddy brought me down once when I was a yom\g pup.

Thus, it emerges from our discussion of the semantics of pup that during the

course of the E.Mod.E. period the analysed lexical categoiy started to function as a

zoosem related not only to the conceptual zonę CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM

(16th>19,h centuries), but also - somewhat later - to the conceptual sphere

BEHAVIOUR/CHARACTER (1920th centuries).

PUPPET: (17th century)

The lexical category puppet is a later form ofpoppet, the meaning of which

may be defined as 'a person whose actions, while ostensibly his own, are really

actuated and controlled by another' (see the OED). At the close of the 16,h

century the word began to be used as a contemptuous term for a person, usually

a woman (1586>1871). In an attempt to account for the historically primary

sense of puppet one must posit an entrenchment relation to the attributive paths

247 In the 201'1 century it was also used as Sopwith Pup in the sense 'a familiar name for the

Sopwith Scout Tractor, a smali, fast, aeroplane used for combative and instructional purposes in

the war of 1914-18'. This sense emerges from the following OED ąuotations: 1917 'Sopwith Scout

Tractor. Known as the 'Pup', and one of the fastest machines in the world... The 'Sopwith Pup' on

active service has passed the 25,000 feet level with a Naval pilot' > 1977 'Pups, Camels.. even

some Spads and Nieuports. What use was a Sopwith Pup to a couple intent on adding to the

postwar baby boom?'

Another sense of the word used in the 2011 century American slang was 'a four-wheeled trailer

drawn by a tractor, lorry, or other road vehicle'. This sense is evidenced with the following OED

data: 1951 'Pup, a narrow four-wheel trailer. They can be 'buttoned up' in tandem and will follow

the tractor, just as puppies will follow their mother' > 1978 'On two of three trials earlier, without

the modifications, the second tanker or 'pup' of the same truck bounced the wheels of its safety

guard sharply against the ground'.

of the following conceptually central CDs: DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...],

DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...], for which such

attributive values as (HUMAŃ), (EPICENE) and (ADULT) become prominent.

Moreover, the conceptual periphery of the analysed sense of the word may be

said to be construed by means of an entrenchment relation to the attributive path

of DOMAIN OF ABUSE [...] and the highlighting of the negatively pregnant

value (CONTEMPTIBLE). The following OED ąuotations testify to the

historically primary sense-thread of puppet:

1586 If she be faire, then a spectacle to gazę on; if foule, then a simpring puppet to

wonder on.

1601 Is it not a shame, that women..should make themselves such pictures puppets and

peacocks as they do?

1661 A Fregat newly rigg'd kept not half such a clatter in a storme, as this Puppets

Streamers did when the Wind was in his Shrouds.

fi

1828 A pretender..to the favour of the scomful puppet [Catharine].

1871 But tell me now, ye cursed puppets, Why do ye stir the porridge so?

In the first half of the 16th century puppet started to be employed with

reference to a smali figurę, human or animal, with jointed limbs, moved by

means of strings or wires; especially one of the figures in a puppet-show/a

marionette (1538>1967) and - in the second half of the same century - it

developed a contemptuous sense for an image or other materiał object which is

worshipped/an idol (1555>1809), but it also designated a figurę representing a

human being or a child's doli (1562>1849). Our account of the rise of these

senses involves the foregrounding of the conceptually central values

(FIGURE)/(IMAGE)/(DOLL)A(POPPET) forming parts of the attributive path

of DOMAIN OF INANIMATE ENTITIES [...], attended by the activation of

the relevant location within the attributive path of the conceptually peripheral

DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE [...],

with the conceptual element (SMALL) actuated. The metaphorical sense-threads

of puppet analysed above emerge from the following selected OED ąuotations:

1538 Gesticulator, he that playith wilhpuppettes.

1555 Thei [Tartars] make fheim selues litle pupettes of silke or of felte,..and do them

muchę reuerence.

1562 The rootes are..madę like litle puppettes and mammettes which eonie to be sold in

England in boxes.

1602 I could interpret betweene you and your loue: if I could see the Puppets dallying.

1712 You look like a puppet moved by eloekwork!

1809 The hollow puppets of a hollow age, Ever idolatrous, and changing ever Its

worthless idols.

1849 I looked upon it as a sort of doll-a puppet.

1958 The Water Babies is said to be the first full-length play to have been performed in

this country by puppets.

1967 There are many different types of puppets, including the Hand- or Glove-Puppet,

the Rod-Puppet, the Marionette, which are all rounded figures, and the fiat puppets of the

Shadow Show and the toy theatre.

At the end of the 16* century the word in ąuestion started to be used with

reference to a person (usually one set up in a prominent position) whose acts,

while ostensibly his own, are suggested and controlled by another/a poppet or a

country or state which is ostensibly independent but is actually under the control

of some greater power (1592>Mod.E.). Rawson (1989:314) argues that [...] the

metaphor remains popular with Communist speakers often using it to disparge

their non-Communist opponents and vice versa. Another sense-thread which

developed at that time was that of 'a living personator in dramatic action/an actor

in a pantomimę' (1592>1801). In terms of our analytical apparatus one seems

justified to conjecture that apart from being highlighted for such attributive values

as (HUMAŃ), (EPICENE) and (ADULT) specifiable for such CDs as DOMAIN

OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...]

respectively, which construe the conceptual core of this lexical category, the novel

sense-threads show entrenchment links to the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF

PROFESSIONS/SOCIALFUNCTIONS [...] and DOMAIN OF ABUSE [...],

for which the values (ONE WHOSE ACTS ARE CONTROLLED BY

ANOTHER)/(PERSONATOR)A(ACTOR) and (CONTEMPTD3LE) are activated.

These senses of puppet emerge from the folio wing OED ąuotations:

1592 Those Puppets..that speake from our mouths, those Anticks gamisht in our colours.

al592 What were those Puppits that hopt and skipt about me year whayle [= ere~while]?

Ober. My subiects.

1622 To make the people sec.that their Plantagenet was indeed but a puppit, or a

Counterfeit.

1768 He hoped by keeping the memory of SimncTs imposture, to discredit the tnie duke

of York, as another puppet, when ever he should really appear.

1801 All the absurdities of the puppet-show, except the discourses, are retained in the

pantomimes, the difference consisting principally in the substitution of living puppets for

wooden ones.

1933 In the wider field of international diplomatic negotiations over the Sino-Japanese

dispute, the Japanese government deliberately gave fonnal recognition to their puppet in

Manchuria.

1976 I am not depressed about the large-scale non~fulfilment by the Russians (and their

puppets) of the Helsinki agreements.

This sense is evidenced by the following example:

The morale and combat strength of the puppet troops were clearly declining (New York

Times, 4/26/76).

Finally, throughout the 17* century puppet was - by the process of reversed

zoosemy - used in the sense 'a little dog/a whelp/a puppy' (1607>1688). The

relevant sense is explicable in terms of an entrenchment relation to the

attributive path of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...] and the foregrounding of

the attributive value (CANINE), attended by the activation of the elements

(EPICENE) and (YOUNG) forming parts of the attributive paths of DOMAIN

OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...] respectively. Additionally, apart

from these conceptually central CDs the semantics of the zoosemically

reversed sense of puppet involves an entrenchment link to the attributive path

of the conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL

CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE [...], for which the attributive

value (LITTLE) becomes prominent. The following OED ąuotations illustrate this

sense-thread of puppet:

1607 The great curres..the litlepuppets.

1652 She replied, Persa was dead; meaning her whelp or puppet.

1688 Whelpes, or Puppits, are..whelped blind.

As our analysis shows, through the association of certain evaluatively

neutral elements specifiable for the cognitive base of 'PUPPET', i.e.

(CANINE)A(YOUNG)A(EPICENE), with certain evaluatively neutral elements

in the cognitive base of 'HUMAŃ BEING', i.e.

(HUMAN)A(EPICENE)A(YOUNG/ADULT) and, marginally, evaluatively tinted

elements (ONE WHOSE ACTS ARE CONTROLLED BY

ANOTHER)A(CONTEMPTIBLE), but also (PERSONATOR)A(ACTOR), during

the course of the E.Mod.E. period (17lh century) the lexical category puppet

started to function as a term designating a dog.

PUSS: (17th>19(h centuries)

AN UNGENTEEL/IMPUDENT/SLY/DECEITFUL FEMALE IS

PERCEIVED AS A PUSS> (17th>19th centuries)

The OED informs us that puss is a word common to several Germanie

languages, usually as a call-name for the cat (rarely becoming as in English a

synonym of cat). Although its etymology remains unknown, the analysed lexical

category corresponds to Mod.Du. poes, Mod.Sw. dialectal puslkatte-pus,

Mod.Norw. puselpuus and Mod.Ir. pus. In the first half of the 16* century puss249

' In the 17" century piw.? also started to be applied to other animals, e.g. a hare. In recent

use it only functions as a quasi-proper name. The following examples quoted from the OED testify

to this sense of puss: 1668 If a leveret be better meat than an old puss > 1858 After scudding up

the hi\], puss stopped to listen and ascertain the ąuality of her pursuers.

200

201

started to be employed as a conventional proper name for a cat/a call-namc

(1530>1841), and - at the beginning of the 17* century - it acąuired the function

of a nursery synonym or a pet-name for cat which in present-day English is mostly

superseded by pussy (1605>1840). The conceptual core of the analysed lexical

category is determined by the existence of entrenchment liiiks to the attributivc

paths of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], for which the relevant attributive value

(FELINE) is highlighted, DOMAIN OF SEX [...] with the attributive valuc

(EPICENE) activated, as well as DOMAIN OF AGE [...], for which the age-

specific attributive element (ADULT) is brought to the fore. The conceptual

periphery of this lexical category shows a conceptual link to the attributive path of

DOMAIN OF FUNCTIONS [...], with the attributive values (CALL-

NAME)/(PET-NAME) foregrounded. The following OED ąuotations illustrate

these sense-threads ofpuss:

al530 I haue sene the day that pus my cat Hath had in a yere kytlyns eyghtene.

1605 When the famous fable of Whittington and his pusse shal be forgotten.

n

cl840 A most delightful black kitten..; a most refined, graceful, intellectual, amusing

puss.

1841 'Foorpussl' he exclaimed, stroking her.

At the beginning of the 17th century - by the process of animal

metaphorisation - puss25 was first applied metaphorically to a girl or woman as

a generał term of contempt or reproach251 (1608>1881). As evidenced by the

OED, in Mod.E. it is usually used playfully as a familiar term of endearment

often connoting a certain degree of slyness. On our interpretation, we may speak

here of the rise of entrenchment links to the attributive paths of CDs due to the

activation of which we associate the semantics of puss with the conceptual

category HUMAŃ BEING. hi particular, the evidence ąuoted below justifies

positing links relating the semantics ofpuss to the relevant locations specifiable

for the attributive paths of the conceptually central DOMAIN OF SPECIES

[...], for which the attributive value (HUMAŃ) is brought to the fore, DOMAIN

OF SEX [...], with the attributive element (FEMALE) activated, as well as

DOMAIN OF AGE [...], for which the attributive value (YOUNG/ADULT)

becomes prominent. Additionally, it must be stressed that the conceptual

250 As argued by Partridge (2002:9838), in the 19 century puss was used in the sense 'a

cadet of the Royal Military Academy' (1820>1880) and in the 20lh century it acąuired the sense 'a

feminine type of lesbian'.

2,1 Wright (1898-1905:653) argues that in the 19,h century p/ws was a contemptuous term for

a woman meaning 'a dirty slut' and the compound pussikey was employed in the sense 'a little,

short, conceited person'.

periphery of the sense in hand involves positing links to the attributive paths

of DOMAIN OF CHARACTER/BEHAVIOUR [...], DOMAIN OF

MORALITY [...] and DOMAIN OF ABUSE/ENDEARMENT [...], with

the evaluatively loaded attributive values (UNGENTEEL) A (IMPUDENT) A

(SLY) A (DECEITFUL) and (CONTEMPTIBLE)/(PLAYFUL) activated. The

OED provides the following ąuotations illustrating the historically secondary

sense ofpuss:

1608 This wench (your new Wife)..This Shee-cat will haue morę liues then your last

Pusse had.

Z

1732 I think her an ugly, ungenteel, sąuinting, flirting, impudent, odious, dirty puss.

1881 They could not have believed their daughter so sly and deceitful a puss.

Thus, it emerges from our discussion of the semantics of puss that during the

course of the E.Mod.E. period (17th>19th centuries) the analysed lexical categoiy

started to function as a term related not only to the conceptual dimension

CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM, but also to the conceptual spheres

BEHAVIOUR/CHARACTER and MORALITY.

PUSSY:

(16th>20th centuries)

(20th century)

(20th century)

(20(h century)

The word pussy has been formed from puss after the addition of the

diminutive suffix -y.252 Towards the end of the 16th century the lexical item in

ąuestion started to be applied with reference to a girl or woman (1583>1941).~

It seems that the relevant sense is explicable in terms of an entrenchment

relation to the attributive path of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...] and the

highlighting of the attributive value (HUMAŃ), attended by the activation of

the elements (FEMALE) and (YOUNG/ADULT) forming parts of the

attributive paths of DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...]

respectively. Additionally, apart from these conceptually central CDs, the

semantics of the historically primary sense of pussy involves positing an

entrenchment link to the attributive path of the conceptually peripheral

252 On the etymology of pussy see the discussion ofpuss.

233 See the discussion ofpuss.

DOMAIN OF ABUSE [...], for which the negatively pregnant attributive value

(CONTEMPTIBLE) is foregrounded. The following OED ąuotations illustrate I lic

historically primary sense-thread of pussy:

1583 You shall haue euery sawcy boy..to catch vp a woman & marie her... So he haue his

pretie pussie to huggle withall, it forceth not.

Z

1941 Old boarding-house pws.sjas'. Nothing to do but gossip and knit.

In the first half of the 18 century the analysed lexical category was - by thc

process of reversed zoosemic extension - first applied as a proper name for the

hare254 (1715>1941) and a few years later it developed the sense 'a cal'

(1726>1889). According to the OED, the word was used metaphorically much in

the same way as puss but morę as a common noun and less as a call-word. For

the historically secondary sense-threads of pussy one may postulate the

existence of an entrenchment link to the attributive path of DOMAIN Ol'1

SPECIES [...] with the relevant attributive values (LEPORIDAE)/(FELINE)

foregrounded, attended by the activation of such attributive values as

(EPICENE) and (ADULT) presupposed for the attributive paths of DOMAIN

OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...]. The following OED ąuotations

testify to the historically secondary sense-threads of pussy:

1715 The Dog is very young and has seen but few Pussies, but..I doubt not of his having

Appear'd a profess'd enemy to your Hares by this Time.

Z

1726 My newpussey is..wbite,..with black spots.

1889 He strokes the cat ąuite gently, and calls it 'poor pussy'.

Z

1941 Pussy, a rabbit.

Recently, at the outset of the 20th century pussy255 also developed the sense

'a person who lives in another's house as an inmate/a 'house-cat" (1904>?). In

terms of our analysis one seems justified to conjecture that apart from being

highlighted for such attributive values as (HUMAŃ), (EPICENE) and

(ADULT) specifiable for such CDs as DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...],

DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...] respectively, which

determine the conceptual core of the lexical category, the novel sense-thread

In Australian English it designated a rabbit (see the OED).

253 According to the OED, in the 19* cen tu 17 childish speech pussy was used in the sense

'something soft and furry, a fur necklet, a willow or hazel catkin, etc', e.g. 1858 Little children cali

their warni neck-comforters by the name of 'pussies' and in the 201'1 century criminals' slang it

acquired the sense 'a fur garment' e.g. 1937 Those who steal furs handle them as 'pussies'.

necessitates positing entrenchment links to the attributive path of DOMAIN

OF PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONS [...], for which the value

(INMATE) is activated. This sense of pussy emerges from the following OED

ąuotation:

1904 I shall iiwite Roxmouth and his tamę pussy, Mr. Marius Longford.

Moreover, in the first half of the 20th century in slang usage pussy started to be

employed for the female pudendum, hence, sexual intercourse and ultimately - via

metonymic extension - women considered sexually256 (1913>1978).257 As argued

by Mills (1993:200), at the end of the 19* century the coarse slang term to eat

pussy, first meaning to engage in sexual intercourse, and later, during the course of

the 20th century, denoting cunninilingus, appeared in common use.258 This perhaps

led to the rise of the compound cat-house (sińce 1930s) for a brothel or -

alternately - it may simply derive from the use of cat to refer to a woman.

The relevant sense is explicable in terms of an entrenchment relation to

the attributive path of the conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF ABUSE

[...], with the evaluatively pregnant attributive value (CONSIDERED

SEXUALLY) actuated. The following OED ąuotations illustrate this sense of pussy:

1913 Fm also surę that it's got something to do with the thing between our legs that I

always cali my Pussy.

Z

1978 There was nothing, he had discovered, like fiying a girl away for a weekend to

insure as mach pussy as you could eat.

Finally, in the middle of the 20th century pussy started to be employed in the

sense 'a finicky, old-maidish or effeminate boy or man/a homosexual'

(1942>1958). As argued by Palmatier (1995:305), in Mod.E. with the metaphorical

sense of 'softy', a pussy cat is either a person who is inherently harmless and

likeable, like a kitten or one who is not as bearish as s/he seems to be, but is morę

like a cuddy teddy bear. According to Mills (1993:200), cats are claimed to

possess the supposedly feminine characteristics of slyness, maliciousness and

spitefulness (hence catty sińce 1903), and - at the same time - they are also

considered to be compliant, weak, submissive and passive which probably

256 Partridge (2002:938) provides the following ąuotation:

'When a crook speaks about "the pussies" he's talking about furs ~ or women. They go

togelher. Furs, to the thieves, are the product of "cats"; and women are cats, as every crook

knows'.

2,7 See Baider and Gesuato (2003) for morę French and Italian data on the metaphor .

258 See also DEOD, IRCD and NDAS.

204

205

influenced the pejorative use of pussy for a finicky, old maidish or effeniinatc

małe. Moreover, in U.S. military slang a pussy-cat is a decidedly unmanly pilol

who is overcautious, fearful or reluctant (see Mills (1993:200)). Rawson

(1989:315) argues that as a ąuintessentially feminine word, pussy ordinarily is a

great insult when applied to a man. And so, the use of puss and gentleman puss,

imply that the małe is effeminate if not overtly homosexual or merely a timid

weakling.259 The author continues that [...] the masculine application of pussy is

in linę with a common linguistic transformation, one that mirrors societys pecking

order: while "małe" words with "bad" meanings become attached to women (see

harlot, for example), "female" words with "bad" meanings tend to be foisted o/f

on homosexuals (see sissy) (Rawson (1989:315)).

To account for the semantics of the 20,h century sense 'a finicky, old-

maidish or effeminate boy or man/a homosexual' one must posit the rise of an

entrenchment relation to the attributive paths of the three conceptually central

CDs specified above, attended by the entrenchment link to the attributive path

of the conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF DOMAIN OF CHARACTER

AND BEHAVIOUR [...] and DOMAIN OF SEXUAL ACTIVITY [...], with

the evaluatively charged attributive values (FINICKY)A(OLD-

MATDISH)A(EFFEMINATE) and (HOMOSEXUAL) activated. The following

OED ąuotations testify to this sense-thread of pussy:

1942 Pussy, an effeminate boy.

U

1958 'I first met Henry James in a brothel in Algiers. He had a naked houri on each

knee.' 'Henry James was a pussy, I think.'

Therefore, as our discussion shows, by the association of certain

evaluatively neutral elements specifiable for the cognitive base of 'PUSSY', i.e.

(FELrNE)A(ADULT)A(MALE) with certain evaluatively neutral elements in the

cognitive base of 'HUMAŃ BEING', i.e. (HUMAŃ) A (EPICENE) A

(YOUNG/ADULT) and, marginally, negatively tinged, (CONSIDERED

SEXUALLY)/(FINICKY) A (OLD-MAIDISH) A (EFFEMINATE) A

(HOMOSEXUAL), during the course of the Mod.E. period (18,h>20fh centuries)

the lexical category pussy started to function as a terni designating a cat.

HORSE: (16fh >

20th centuries)

(16(h> 20fh centuries)

Rawson (1989:315) gives the following example:

They ccime here to scout the toughest team in the Federal League - not this bunch ofpussies

(SlapShol, a film, 1977).

The Pro.I.E. word for horse, *ek''wos is attested in all the early I.E.

languages, for example, L. eąuus 'a horse', O.Ir. ech, O.E. eoh 'a horse', O.Icel.

jor (see CEDEL, AHDIR and ODEE). The OED informs us that the affmities of

the word outside Germanie remain uncertain and the conjecture that O.Ger.

*horso-fPro.Ger. *kurso- was from the root *kurs- of L. currere 'to run' is

favoured by many scholars, but other etymological derivations have also been

suggested in the literaturę. The lexical category horse is recorded in English

already in the first half of the 9th century in the sense 'a large solid-hoofed

herbivorous mammal Eąuus caballus' (825>Mod.E.). As pointed out by

Biedermann (1992:178), the early Church Fathers found the animal haughty and

lascivious because it was said to neigh longingly when it saw a woman.

According to many, the most important animal in early Germanie culture

was the horse, especially as a symbol of fertility and warrior virtue (see

Biedermann (1992), Jaffe (2001)). Horses were the gods' main means of

support, sińce divinities had to ride across Bifrost in order to get to the lower

worlds. In sonie cases, a sacred horse was held to understand the will of the

gods morę elearly than the priests.

As to its symbolism, depending on its colour, a horse may stand for either

destruction or victory (fiery-red and white, respectively). It is a maternal

archetype, and it might also symbolise impulsiveness, impetuosity of desire,

the instinctive impulses that motivate man. This association of the horse with

darker human drives, such as virility and sexuality, has been resented by

numerous writers (e.g. Nietzsche). In dreams, the black horse of death and

destruction is synonymous with misery (see Jaffe (2001)). Moreover, sińce the

horse is generally recognised as a highly sacred animal, it is considered a

taboo to eat its meat (see Biedermann (1992), Jaffe (2001)).

Throughout cultures, people and horses are often linked, the fomier being

described in terms of the latter, in such areas as virility (stallioń), fidelity,

sensitivity, strength (work like a horse), selfishness, anger, stubbomness (you can

take/Iead a horse to water, but you can't make him drink), stupidity and vanity (to

be/climb on one s high horse 'to assume an attitude of morał superiority'). In

psychology it can be the unconscious, subhuman side (see Jaffe (2001)).

Going back to the historically primary sense of the word, the analysis of the

semantic pole of the O.E. horse seems to point to well-pronounced entrenchment

links to the attributive paths of the conceptually central DOMAIN OF

SPECIES [...], with the element (EOUINE) highlighted, DOMAIN OF SEX

[...], for which the sex-specific attributive value (MAŁE) is activated and

DOMAIN OF AGE [...] with the conceptual element (ADULT) foregrounded.

The conceptual periphery of the analysed sense comprises entrencliment

relations to the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL

CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE [...] and DOMAIN OF

BEHAYIOUR [...], for which the attributive values (LARGE) A (SOLED-

206

207

!)(>!• I ii)) and cvaluatively tinged (HAUGHTY) ' (LASCIVIOUS) are

acliva(cd. The diachronically original sense 'a large solid-hoofed herbivorous

niammal Eąuus caballus' is documented with the following OED materiał:

c825 Nyllad bion swe swe hors & mul in 6 aem nis ondget.

Z

cl205 he king..liis hors he gon spurie.

Z

1848 Not a horse appears on the monuments prior to Thothmes III, who clearly in liis

conąuests brought them from Asia.

In tum, at the beginning of the 16fh century the analysed lexical item entered

a metaphorical path260 and started to be applied contemptuously or playfully to a

man, with reference to various ąualities261 of the ąuadruped (150O1973).

Rawson (1989:199) describes the metaphorical horse as a big, strong though

somewhat stupid fellow, especially a plain or ugly one, a horseface. Couched in

our methodology, the semantics of horse involves entrenchment links to the

attributive paths of the CDs which determine its conceptual core, i.e. DOMAIN

OF SPECIES [...], DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...],

with the activation of such attributive values as (HUMAŃ), (MAŁE) and

(ADULT). Additionally, one must posit the rise of entrenchment relations to the

conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF MORALITY [...], DOMAIN OF

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE [...] and

DOMAIN OF ABUSE [...], with the attributive values

(HAUGHTY)A(LASCIVIOUS), (STRONG)A(UGLY), as well as the negatively

' ° In American English horse nas, sińce the 18* century, acquired the sense 'a translation or

other illegitimate aid for students in preparing their work; a 'crib'. In slang speech in the 18">19n

centuries it was used among workmen for work charged for before it was executed - live horse 'work

done and not charged for'. The following OED contexts testify to the rise of this sense: 1770 If any

joumeyman set down in his bill on Saturday night morę work than he has done, that surplus is called

Horse. > 1859 Live horse, in printcrs' parlance, work done over and above that included in the week's

bill. Notice that in the 20lh century horse is also used as a verb in the sense 'to make fun of, to 'rag', to

ridicule; to indulge in horseplay; to fool about or around. Consider the following OED quotations:

1901 Because we chose to chew his statements and remove the bones before we swallowed them, he

deveIoped the idea that we had no interest in the work and were trying to horse him. > 1971 Two

black kids..were horsing around just outside the club. As an American slang expression, horse

acąuired in the 20th century the sense 'heroin'. According to Palmatier (1995:200), it is uncertain why

horse has become a slang term for heroin. One clue might be that horses are fast and heroin travels

fast in the bloodstream to the brain. Another clue could be that horses are big and heroin is sometimes

called 'the big H\ Consider these OED data: 1950 Therc are the usual thrill-seekers who take goof

balls..quite often ending up as confirmed addicts of heroin (H, horse, white stuff) > 1969 He had seen

the effects of an overdose of horse before. The skin becomes greenish and there was frothing at the

mouth.

261 In Mod.Hu. lo 'a horse' refers to a person behaving in a silly way.

charged element (CONTEMPTEBLE) activated. The following OED ąuotations

document the sense in hand:

1500-20 Tak in this gray horss, Auld Dunbar.

1596 If I tell thee a Lye, spit in my face, cali me Horse.

1648 Your Maior (a very Horse, and a Traitour to our City).

n

1806 His wife somewhat pretty and amiablchis eldest daughter good-Iooking, but his

youngest a third horse.

1930 It's your triumph at having secured a disagreement that gives you away, old horse.

1973 It is a joke, isn't it? As far as I know, old horse.

Therefore, it emerges from our discussion of the historical semantics of

horse that during the course of the E.Mod.E. period (ló^^O11 centuries) the

analysed lexical category started to function as a term embodying not only the

conceptual dimension CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM, but also the conceptual

spheres MORALITY and APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS.

Moreover, as evidenced by Wright (1898-1905:236), horse entered a number

of semantically intriguing compounds which all testify to its relation to such

conceptual dimensions as BEHAYIOUR/CHARACTER, e.g. horse-comber 'a rude,

boisterous girl', horse-magog 'a boisterously frolicsome clown', horse-mallison 'a

person who treats his horse cruelly', horse-morsel 'a coarse woman', horse-of-

knowledge 'a person who knows everything and is always ready with advice';

PROFESSION/SOCIAL FUNCTION, e.g. horse-couper 'a horse-dealer, of a Iow

type, dealing in inferior horses', horse-fettler 'the man who has care of horses in a

pif, horse-gentler 'a horse-breaker', horse-hirer 'one who lets out saddle-horses',

horse-keeper 'a groom', horse-knacker 'one who kills and cuts up old horses',

horse-knave 'a hostler', horse-man 'a servant who has charge of a pair of horses

on a farm' or 'a man who attends to and travels with a stallion', horse-monger 'a

dealer in horses', horse-setter 'a horse-dealer' or 'one who lets out horses', horse-

protestant 'a person indifferent to religion' and APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL

CHARACTERISTICS, e.g. horse-godmother 'a tali, ungainly, masculine woman',

horse-marine 'a stout, clumsy person'.

Furthermore, Palmatier (1995:201) draws our attention to the fact that in

Mod.E. a horselaugh is a loud, coarse, vulgar laugh: a guffaw. " In this respect,

the author implies that horses do not laugh, but rather they do sometimes curl back

their lips when they neigh, giving the impression of a sardonic smile. Therefore,

people who laugh boisterously, spontaneously and unceremoniously convey the

impression that they are uncultured or uncivilised, like a horse. This expression

seems to show its relation to the conceptual dimension

BEHAYIOUR/CHARACTER. On the other hand, the context horse marines refers

See also ATWS, BDPF, CI, DEI, EWPO and IRCD.

208

to a fictitious seagoing cavalry. Palmatier (1995:201) explains that horses, and

horse soldiers, have been carried on ships sińce the Age of Exploration began; bul

the soldiers presumably did not ride their steeds aboard ship and they certainly did

not conduct cavalry charges there. By the middle of the 19th centuries, horse

marines26i had become a somewhat absurd contradiction linked to the conceptual

sphere PROFESSION/SOCIAL FUNCTION.

Additionally, Mod.E. horse thief is used in the sense 'a scoundrel'. The

explanation given by Palmatier (1995:204) is that in the frontier days, a man's

most valuable possession was his horse. Not only was it his primary means of

transportation, tilling and herding, but it was often his only companion. To steal

a man's horse was to steal his livelihood and only a dirty rotten scoundrel would

do such a thing (see Palmatier (1995:204)). The context horse thief shows its

relation to the conceptual dimension MORALITY. In the middle of the 19th

century the expression horse trader' came into being, and was employed in the

sense 'a tough, smart, hardhearted bargainer'. Figurative horse traders are

businesspersons or politicians who drive a hard bargain and usually get what

they want, even if it means making costly concessions (see Palmatier

(1995:204)). Again, the expression is linked to the conceptual sphere

PROFESSION/SOCIAL FUNCTION.

Finally, as pointed out by Rawson (1989:202), the compound war-horse refers

to a battle-scarred politician; a musical or dramatic production that has been

mounted so many times as to become hackneyed and a wheel horse; in politics it

stands for a party regular - dependable but uninspired - virtually synonymous with

the political war horse. Notę that these two contexts are again related to the

conceptual dimension PROFESSION/SOCIAL FUNCTION. According to

Partridge (2002:571), in the second half of the 19* century horse265 was used in

the sense 'an arrogant or supercilious officer' (1867>1930) and in the 20th century

it developed the sense 'a South African prostitute's customer' (1946>?); 'a

prostitute' (sińce 1940s); 'a casual girl' (sińce 1950). Interestingly, in the second

half of the 19* century a horse-breaker was used with reference to a woman hired

to ride in the park (1860-1870) and, later, a courtesan given to riding, especially in

the park (1864>1915).

BOB-TAIL: < A HORSE/DOG WITH ITS TAIŁ CUT SHORT IS PERCEIVED

AS A BOB-TAIL> (17th>19th centuries)

The compound bob-tail is formed from the noun bob 'a bunch or cluster'

(of unknown origin, but corresponding to Mod.Ir. baban 'a tassel, cluster' and

Gael. babanlbabag), and the noun taił (of Germanie origin, e.g. O.E. tagel 'a

horse's taił', Mod.Sw. tagel 'horse-hair of taił or mane', Mod.G. dialectal

ZagellZdllZael 'a taił'). At the beginning of the 17lh century bob-tail was - by

the process of reversed animal metaphorisation - in use with reference to a

contemptible fellow/a cur (1619>?).266 Partridge (2002:108) points out that in

the 17lh>18th centuries bob-tail was employed in the sense 'a lewd woman,

literally one with a lively pudend' and 'a eunuch; an impotent man'. In

particular, the early 17th century evidence justifies positing links relating the

semantic pole of bob-tail to evaluatively neutral locations specifiable for the

attributive paths of the conceptually central DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...],

DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF AGE [...], for which the

conceptual elements (HUMAŃ), (EPICENE) and (ADULT) are brought to the

fore. The actuation of the said values is attended by the foregrounding of the

evaluatively negative elements (CONTEMPTIBLE), (LEWD) and

(IMPOTENT) presupposed for the attributive paths of DOMAIN OF ABUSE

[...], DOMAIN OF MORALITY [...] and DOMAIN OF SEXUALITY

[...]. The following ąuotation extracted from the OED evidences the

historically secondary sense of bob-tail:

1619 Fle not be bob'd i' th' nose with every bobtail.

At the end of the E.Mod.E. period the word was used in the sense 'the taił (of

a horse) cut short' (1667>1720) and somewhat later - by metonymic projection - it

started to be employed with reference to a horse or dog with its taił cut short

(1676>1843). Adopting the mechanisms of conceptual domains and metaphorical

extensions used in this work, one might conjecture that the semantics of the

historically primary sense-thread of bob-tail is explicable in terms of entrenchment

links to the attributive path of DOMAIN OF SPECIES [...], with the attributive

value (EQUINE) highlighted, attended by the activation of the elements (MAŁE)

(ADULT) and (WITH ITS TAIŁ CUT SHORT) presupposed for the attributive

paths of the conceptually central DOMAIN OF SEX [...] and DOMAIN OF

AGE [...], as well as the conceptually peripheral DOMAIN OF PHYSICAL

CHAJRACTERISTICS AND APPEARANCE [...]. The following selected data

ąuoted from the OED testify to the rise of the two senses:

1667 A fine light Bay Stone-horse..with his Mayne shorn, and a bob taił.

1676 A white Marę, and a black Nag..both Bob-tails.

Z

1720 A brown Nag..with a Bob Tai!.

al843 Mongrel and cur and bob-tail, let them yelp.

See also Rawson (1989:201).

SeeATWS, DEI, IRCD and SPD.

As a verb, horse was used in the sense 'to possess a woman' (17lh> early 20lh centuries).

See also ATWS, DOC and HTB.

210

211

Therefore, through the association of certain evaluatively nculral clenients

specifiable for the cognitive base of 'BOB-TAIL', i.o.

(EQUINE/CANLNE)A(EPICENE)A(YOUNG/ADULT) and, margmally, (W1TII

ITS TAIŁ CUT SHORT) with certain evaluatively neutral elements in the

cognitive base of 'HUMAN BELNG', i.e. (HUMAN)A(EPICENE)A(ADULT)

and, marginally, evaluatively tinted element (CONTEMPTIBLE), at the

beginning of the 17* century the lexical category bob-tail started to function as a

zoosem embodying the conceptual dimension CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM'and,

later - in the second half of the 17th century - a term for a horse/dog. The

mechanism of zoosemy discemible in the case of stot, marę, gib, mongrel,

trundle-tail, long-tail, pup, puppet, pussy, puss, horse and bob-tail is portrayed

in Figurę 16.

The aim set to the Figurę 16 is to visualise overall tendencies rather than

particular semantic alterations that have taken place in the history of English

where - by the process of zoosemic extension - animal names undergo the

process of metaphorisation via the conceptual dimension

CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM and give rise to shifts in meaning targeted at the

various locations of the conceptual category HUMAN BEING.

When we analyse the following metaphorical syntagmas:

S/he is perceived as a stot,

She isperceived as a marę,

She is perceived as a gib,

S/he isperceived as a trundle-tail,

S/he isperceived as a long-tail,

S/he is perceived as a pup,

S/he isperceived as a curtal,

S/he is perceived as a puppet,

S/he is perceived as a pussy,

S/he is perceived as a puss,

S/he isperceived as a horse,

and S/he isperceived as a bob-tail

in terms of the mechanisms of the GCB, a number of observations may be

formulated. First and foremost, the human characteristics of being (STUPID),

(CLUMSY), (DESPISED), (CONTEMPTIBLE), (UNGENTEEL), (LMPUDENT),

(SLY), (DECEITFUL), (LNEXPERIENCED), (CONSIDERED SEXUALLY),

(HAUGIiTY), etc, are metaphorically mapped onto the conventional schema

for stot, marę, gib, mongrel, trundle-tail, long-tail, pup, puppet, pussy, puss,

horse and bob-tail to create our commonplace schema of the discussed

animals. In other words, the contexts mentioned above convey the following

meanings:

212

213

\She is .'i coniemplible woman'/'S/he is a stupid, clumsy person' {stoi),

\Shc is a despised, contemptible woman' (marę),

'She is a contemptible woman' (gib),

'S/he is a contemptible person' (trundle-tail),

'S/he is a native of Kent' (long-tail),

'S/he is a contemptible personV'S/he is an inexperienced person/beginner' (pup),

'S/he is a person whose acts are controlled/an actor/a doll/a poppet' (puppet),

'She is a contemptible girl/woman'/'She is an ungenteel/impudent/sly/deceitful female'

(puss),

'She is a contemptible female'/'She is an inmate'/'She is an a woman considered

sexually'/'He is a finicky/old-maidish/effeminate man' (pussy),

'He is a contemptible małe'/ 'S/he is a haughty/lascivious/ugly person' (horse),

'He is a contemptible fellow' (bob-tail), respectively.

What is really metaphorical about the contexts in ąuestion is that a person's

characteristics are understood in terms of the rigidity of the stot, marę, gib,

mongrel, trundle-tail, long-tail, pup, puppet, pussy, puss, horse and bob-tail's

animal instinct/behaviour. It needs stressing that animals referred to as stots are

thought of as (INFERIOR/CASTRATED) horses, mares are (FEMALE HORSES)

seen as (HAUGHTY) and (LASCIVIOUS) animals, gibs are (CASTRATED)

cats, trundle-tails are (LOW-BRED/CURLY-TAILED) dogs, long-tails are seen

as horses/dogs with the (TAILS UNCUT), pups are (YOUNG), (LIVELY) dogs,

puppets are (LITTLE) dogs, pusses are viewed as (PET) cats, pussies are cats

regarded as (PLAYTHINGS), horses are seen as (HAUGHTY) and

(LASCIVIOUS) animals, bob-tails are dogs/horses with their (TAILS CUT

SHORT). These elements are thought of as the ąuintessential properties

metaphorically applied to the analysed animals by humans. In the CMT

framework adopted here, metaphors are analysed as stable and systematic

relationships between two conceptual domains (see Grady, Oakley and Coulson

(1999)). Therefore, in the metaphorical contexts, such as:

S/he is perceived as a stot,

She is perceived as a marę,

She isperceived as a gib,

S/he is perceived as a trundle-tail,

S/he isperceived as a long-tail,

S/he is perceived as a pup,

S/he is perceived as a curtal,

S/he is perceived as a puppet,

S/he is perceived as a pussy,

S/he is perceived as a puss,

S/he is perceived as a horse,

S/he is perceived as a bob-tail,

and S/he isperceived as a grimalkin

the conceptual structures from the source domain of eąuinc, lei ino and eanine

physical attributes and instinctive behaviour are used to encode human

characteristics in the target domain. Particular elements of the*. source and

target domains, e.g. eąuine, feline and eanine ąualities of being

(INFERIOR/CASTRATED), (HAUGHTY), (LASCIVIOUS), (LOW-

BRED/CURLY-TAILED), (PLAYTHING) and human ąualities of being

(STUPID), (CLUMSY), (DESPISED), (CONTEMPTIBLE), (UNGENTEEL),

(IMPUDENT), (SLY), (DECEITFUL), (INEXPERIENCED), (CONSIDERED

SEXUALLY), (HAUGHTY), etc, are highlighted through the relevant

conceptual metaphor, a mapping which prompts us how elements in the two

domains linę up with each other. In this metaphor, eąuine, feline and eanine

physical structures and instinctive behaviour have been put into

correspondence with human character and behaviour. Because the mapping is

principled, such human properties as (STUPIDITY), (INEXPERIENCE),

(DECEITFULNESS), (SEXUAL BEHAVIOUR), (CONTEMPTIBILTY), etc,

are associated with such eąuine, feline and eanine properties as

(INFERIORITY), (POOR APPEARANCE), (HAUGHTINESS), (LOW

ORIGIN) and (LASCIVIOUSNESS), etc.

2.4.2. In Search of Parallels from Other Periods in the History ofEnglish

Other zoosemic developments which represent the families BOVIDAE,

CANIDAE, SUIDAE and DOMESTIC FOWL and are metaphorically linked

to the conceptual sphere CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM include such lexical

items as: heifer, buffer, swine, hog,pork, sow, biddy, capon and chit. And so, the

lexical category heifer, which corresponds to O.E. heahforelheahfru, is of

obscure etymology and is not found outside English (see the OED). The word

entered English lexicon at the beginning of the 10lh century in the sense 'a young

cow, that has not had a calf (900>Mod.E.). In the first half of the 17th century

heifer started to be applied figuratively to a wife or to any woman or girl as a

depreciatory term267 (1609>1973). According to the OED, the lexical item buffer

is of obscure origin. At the close of the 17th century the word developed the

sense 'a dog' (1688>1824) and in the middle of the 18* century in Scottish and

dialectal English buffer was - by the process of animal metaphor - applied to a

fellow as a term expressing a slight degree of contempt"68 (1749>1876). The

process of metaphorisation continued and in the second half of the 19th century

2 7 The analysed sense emerges from the following OED quotations:

1609 Her, whom I shall choose for my heiefar. > 1973 That heifer that been trying to get next

to my man Lucky sińce the year one.

26s The following OED ąuotations testify to this sense-thread of buffer:

1749 You're a buffer always rear'd in The brutal pleasures of Bear-garden. > 1876 Unless

sonie old buffer is struck by.my sermons.

214

215

the analysed lexical category was employed in the sense 'a chief boatswain's

matę' or 'a petty officer' (1864>1941).269

As evidenced by ODEE, the Germanie swine is a continuation of O.E. swin

sand it is akin to Mod.Du. zwijn, Mod.G. Schwein and Mod.Dan. svin. The word

has been present in the histoiy of English in the sense 'an animal of the genus

Sus or family Suidae' sińce Anglo-Saxon times (O.E.>Mod.E.). At the close of

the 14th century swine is recorded for the first time in the extended generał sense

'a term of contempt or abuse for a person'270 (138O1907). The semantic histoiy

of hog, whose origin is unknown (see the OED), goes back to the first half of the

14lh century when it entered English in the primary sense 'a swine reared for

slaughter' and/or 'a castrated małe swine' (1340>Mod.E.). In the first half of the

15* century the analysed lexical item was first applied opprobriously to a

person271 (1436>1890).

The OED and other major etymological sources (see, for example, ODEE)

say that the Romance wordpork is akin to Mod.Fr. porc, Mod.lt. porco, Mod.Sp.

puerco and - ultimately - L. porc-us 'a swine, hog'. Originally, pork functioned

in the sense 'a swine, a hog, a pig', the sense that appears first at the beginning

of the 16th century (1400>Mod.E.). Towards the middle of the 17th century pork

was applied opprobriously to any uncultured person272 (1645>?). The semantic

history of Germanie sow211 may be traced back to Angło-Saxon times when it

was used in the sense 'the female of swine' (O.E.>Mod.E.). At the beginning of

the 16lh century the word was applied to people (małe or female) as a term of

abuse, opprobrium, or reproach274(1508>1825).

At the close of the 18" century the lexical category biddy215 started to be

used both in the sense 'a chicken' and figuratively 'a woman, usually with

derogatory implication'276 (1785>1960). As pointed out by the OED, the

2M This sense emerges ftom the following OED ąuotations:

1864 Buffer, a navy term for a boatswairfs matę, part of whose duties is to administer the

'cat'. > 1941 The 'Buffer '..is a petty officer 'go-between', his duty being that of passer-on of

orders from officers to seamen.

270 This sense is evidenced with the following OED examples:

cl380 Mannis lawis hav distemperid kynde of men, and turned hem into swyn. > 1907 The

swine might have had the decency to have madę up his alleged mind a bit sooner.

"71 The following OED evidence testifies to this sense of hog:

1436 Thus arn they hogges; and drynkyn wele ataunt; ffare wel, Flemynge! > 1890 T am a

hogl I am a hog}' he said..'I madę no resistance; I drank because I was thirsty'.

272 Cosider the following OED context:

1645 I mean not to dispute Philosophy with this Pork, who never read any.

273 The etymology ofsow is explained elsewhere in this chapter.

274 The analysed sense-thread is evidenced with the following OED ąuotations:

1508 Insensuat sow, cesse fals Eustase air! > 1825 Sow, an inelegant female, a dirty wench.

275 The origin and a detailed discussion of biddy are presented elsewhere in this chapter.

276 See the OED ąuotations given below:

Romance capon is a continuation of O.E. capun, which corresponds to L.

capón-em, Mod.Fr. chapon, Mod.Sp. capon and Mod.lt. cappone. The word

has been present in English in the sense 'a castrated cock' sińce the beginning

of the llth century (lOOOMod.E.). In the first half of the 16lh century capon

acąuired the secondary sense 'a term of reproach for a person'"

(1542>1590). According to ODEE, the etymology of chit may be traced back

to O.E. cip and Mid.E. chithe 'shoot, sprout, seed'. Towards the close of the

14th century, the word entered the English lexicon in the sense 'a whelp,

puppy, kitten, cub' (1382>1713). Secondarily, in the first half of the 17lh

century chit started to be applied, morę or less contemptuously, to 'a child,

especially a very young child; a brat'278 (1624>1864). Moreover, in the middle

of the 17lh century the metaphorical meaning of the analysed lexical category

was extended further to 'a person considered as no better than a child'27

(1649>1879). In Mod.E. it is mostly used of a girl or young woman (see the

OED).

2.4.2. Parallels in Polish

Mod.Pol. terms for domesticated animals which through the process of

animal metaphorisation are targeted at the various locations of the conceptual

categoiy HUMAŃ BEING and are - simultaneously - related to the conceptual

dimension CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM include the following items used with

reference to women: krowa 'a cow', cielą 'a calf, suka 'a bitch', gęś 'a goose',

kobyła 'a hack', szczeniara 'a fem. puppyYAroza 'a goat' > 'a young girl'; and the

following ones applied with reference to men: pies z kulawą nogą 'a lamę dog' >

'nobody', baran 'a ram', byczek 'dim. a buli', bydlak 'pej. cattle', samiec 'a

małe', (stary) byk 'an old buli', (stary) koń 'an old horse', mul 'a mu\e\ psi syn

'a son of a dog', sukinsyn 'a son of a bitch', sukinkot 'euph. a son of a bitch',

wieprz 'a hog'. Ali the lexical items discussed above are - via zoosemic

extension - used secondarily in the sense 'a contemptible human being',

exhibiting variations of pejorative load on the evaluative scalę.

1785 Biddy, or Chick-a-biddy, a chicken, and figuratively a young wench. > 1960 I believe

she's the bloodiest awful specimen of a party biddy.

271 This sense of capon is evidenced with the following OED ąuotations:

1542 [He] came flynging home to Roome again as wyse as a capon. > 1590 Mome,..Capon,

Coxcombe, kliot, Patch.

27 Consider the following OED evidence:

cl624 Priapus..Bacchus' and Venus' chit, is not morę vicious. > 1864 When I was a naughty

little chit in a pinafore.

279 This sense of chit is evidenced with the following OED contexts:

1649 Silly Chilts they knew not what Hee meaiTt. > 1879 He either marries a kitchen-wench,

or some chit twenty years his junior.

2.4.3. Further Obseroations and Partial Conclnsions

The analysis of zoosemic developments embodying the conceptual dimension

CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM makes it possible to postulate the following radial

structure:

Figurę 17. A radial structure illustrating the relationship between the conceptual categories

HUMAŃ BEING/DOMESTICATED ANIMAL and the conceptual sphere

CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM.

We observe that the zoosemic shift DOMESTICATED ANIMAL > A

CONTEMPTIBLE HUMAŃ BEING displays many characteristics of a

prototype structure, and is viewed here as assuming the form of a radial

network. Again, it is important to notę here that certain aspects of instinctive

animal behaviour or their physical characteristics are highlighted and mapped

onto the category HUMAŃ BEING giving rise to a number of zoosems in the

case of which the conceptual dimension CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM is said

to trigger semantic change. As mentioned in the foregoing, the outcome of the

mechanism of zoosemy are numerous polysemous lexical items which seem to

belong to the periphery of the category HUMAŃ BEING, that is are less

prototypical than such lexical categories as man, woman, boy, girl, mother,

father, son, etc. which may be said to constitute the core of the conceptual

category in ąuestion.

On the basis of the analysis of the linguistic materiał carried out in this

section a number of preliminary conclusions can be formulated. First, the

process whereby the names of domesticated animals come to designate

CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM is not only typical for English but may be said to

be eąually productive in other languages like, among others, Polish where - via

zoosemic extension - a number of lexical items are used secondarily in the scnsc

'a contemptible human being' (e.g. krowa 'a cow', cielą 'a calf, suka 'a bitch'

all employed in the sense 'a contemptible woman', while (staiy) byk 'an old

buli', (staiy) koń 'an old horse', muł 'a mule', psi syn 'a son of a dog', sukinsyn

'a son of a bitch', sukinkot 'euph. a son of a bitch' all applied contemptuously to

men).

Second, the analysis of the English data shows that such animal families

as EOUIDAE, FELIDAE, CANIDAE, SUIDAE or BOVIDAE are a

freąuently employed source of terms embodying the conceptual dimension

CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM. We have analysed a representative number of

animal terms {pussy, bob-tail, horse, puss, trundle-tail, puppet, long-tail, pup,

stot, marę, gib, heifer, buffer, swine, hog, pork, sow, biddy, capon and cliit)

which in the history of English have undergone zoosemic shift initiated by the

conceptual dimension in ąuestion. By all means, this points to the

considerable productivity of the said conceptual dimension in the mechanism

of zoosemy.

Third, it is fairly obvious that the process of metaphorisation observable

in the analysis of the data in this section is by all means bi-directional, that is

either acąuiring the form ANIMAL > HUMAN or HUMAN > ANIMAL. As

pointed out in Chapter 1, the structure of the GCB is characterised by its bi-

directionality which involves upward and downward mapping of attributes.

Thus, it needs to be emphasised here that zoosems related to the conceptual

dimension CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM represent two metaphors fully

coherent with the structure of GCB, that is and . The former

metaphor, that is the process based on downward mapping involving the

transfer of attributes from the source domain which occupies a higher position

on the GCB than the target domain, referred to as reversed zoosemy, is

represented by the following examples:

The latter metaphor, that is the process which involves the shift in the

directionality of mapping from a lower to a higher level on the GCB, comprises

the following cases:

218

219

Additionally, it must be pointed out that the list of metaphorical extensions

analysed above includes both simple (uni-thread) cases, e.g. , , and complex (multi-thread) cases

of evolution, e.g. , , , .

Again, one could say that a large number of multi-thread metaphors points

clearly to the fact that the mechanism of zoosemy is by no means internally

uniform, but rather gradual, based on our knowledge, experience and perception

of the world. The semantic change is, therefore, as freąuently emphasised in the

literaturę, the mechanism which is deeply rooted in experience and based on

graduality and developmental processes.

Finally, it needs to be stressed that most of the metaphorical transfers

analysed in this section are pejorative in character, e.g. , , while others like eg. , are to be

regarded as positive, or at least neutral, that is devoid of evaluatively negative

load.

Last but not least, it must be stressed that not all of the metaphorical

extensions analysed in this section are related exclusively to the conceptual

dimension CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM. Conversely, sonie of the metaphors

subject to our investigations are simultaneously linked to other conceptual spheres,

e.g. the conceptual zonę MORALITY (), PROFESSIONS/SOCIAL FUNCTIONS (), BEHAYIOUR/CHARACTER (, ,

), SEXUALITY () and APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL

CHARACTERISTICS ().

Clearly, this points to the fact that meaning construal may be said to be based on

cross-domain mappings involving several different conceptuał dimensions,

freąuently many at the same time.

2.5. Concluding Remarks

In the analytical part of this work, we have discussed the semantic

development of a representative number of Mid.E. and E.Mod.E. zoosems

targeted at the conceptuał category HUMAŃ BEING. Even a cursory look at

the data analysed in this chapter shows that the results of our investigations

seem to provide additional evidence for what has been convincingly shown in a

number of earlier works such as Stern (1931), Kleparski (1990, 2002), Śtekauer

et al. (2001), Baider and Gesuato (2003), Fontecha and Catalan (2003), Hsieh

(2003), Czapiga (2004, 2005a, 2005b, 2005c), Dominguez and Li (2004),

Kiełtyka (2005a, 2005b), Kiełtyka (2006a), Kiełtyka (2007), Kiełtyka and

Kleparski (2005a, 2005b), Kiełtyka and Kleparski (2007a, 2007b) that the

animal kingdom is one of the most powerful sources of metaphorical expansion.

The studies carried out so far involving the analyses of data from various

languages indicate that there seems to exist a generał tendency to fonii

evaluatively loaded semantic extensions from the conceptuał category

MAMMALS and DOMESTICATED MAMMALS in particułar.

Stern (1931:320) argues that animal metaphors [...] are often depreciative,

morę or less abusive appellations of human beings. The element of similarity is

either a ąuality that is reprehensible or contemptible in itself or else a ąuality

that is neutral or favourable in an animal, but becomes reprehensible in a

human being. Indeed, the examples analysed and ąuoted in the foregoing show

that certain zoosemic developments originate from either primarily neutral or

positively charged lexical items, e.g. barker, dog, bitch, whelp, puppy, turnspit,

while others are derived from lexemes containing contemptible ąualities in their

original sense, e.g. cur, tykę, trundle-tail. A generał tendency that can be

observed here is that in most cases the operation of the process of step-by-step

meaning pejoration can be easily disceniible.

It needs stressing that the body of analysed data involving - among others -

the historical evolution of canine, eąuine and feline terms targeted at the

conceptuał category HUMAN BEING seems to confirm the tendency nolieed

already by Stern (1931:320) that freąuently [...] a ąuality that is neutral or

favourable in an animal becomes reprehensible in a human being. Moreover, as

argued by Wierzbicka (1985:167) and Hsieh (2003), zoosemic terms linked to

the conceptuał category HUMAN BEING are triggered either by the animals'

appearance, habits or relation to people as observed from different cultural

backgrounds, but there exists a group of items which are merely arbitrary

iiwentions and seem to have nothing or at least little to do with the naturę of

animals themselves. This set of zoosemic items in which the source and target

domain seem to be unrelated and which involve depreciative appellations of

human beings can be classified as terms of abuse (e.g. trundle-tail, bobtail).

On the basis of the analysis of the linguistic materiał a number of conclusions

may be formulated. First and foremost, the analysis of the English data shows that

such animal families as EOUIDAE. FELIDAE, CANIDAE, SUIDAE,

" BOVIDAE or OVIDAE are a freąuently employed source of terms embodying

such conceptuał dimensions as APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS,

BEHAVIOUR/CHARACTER, MORALITY, CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM. We have

analysed what we hope are a representative number of animal terms (see pork,

cob, kitling, roił, harridan, pussycat, tabby, horse (godmother), crock, fussock,

fox, mule, colt, ass, dog, whelp, hound, curtal, hilding, dogbolt, holdfast, puppy,

filly, grimalkin, stray, keout, pług, keffel, maverick, goose, gosling, chicken,

broody, hen, rabbit, mutt, houndsfoot, neddy, cuddy, donkey, shoat, sow, hog,

lamb, sheep, ox, calf buck, bitch, yaud, nag, minx, hangdog, sheep-biter, ram,

goat, tit, gilt, cat, alley cat, rip, pussy, bob-tail, horse, puss, trundle-tail, puppet,

long-tail, pup, puppet, stot, marę, gib, heifer, buffer, swine, biddy, capon, ciut,

kitten, wether, stud, tomcat), which in the history of English have undergone

zoosemic shift initiated by the conceptuał dimensions in ąuestion. It seems elear

that the volume of data points to the considerable productivity of the specified

conceptuał dimensions in the mechanism of zoosemy.

The process of metaphorisation observable in the analysis of the data is

clearly bi-directional, that is either acąuiring the form ANIMAL > HUMAN or

HUMAN > ANFMAL. As pointed out on a number of occasions in Chapter 1,

the structure of the GCB is characterised by its bi-directionality which involves

upward and downward mapping of attributes. hi the case of upward mapping the

source domain oceupies a somewhat lower position on the GCB than the target

domain, e.g. This mcm is a pig (applied, usually contemptuously or

opprobriously, to a person). On the other hand, downward mapping involves the

transfer of attributes from the source domain which oceupies a somewhat higher

position on the GCB than the target domain, e.g. a faithful, friendly dog.

As argued in the course of our analysis, the number of all possible

metaphors coherent with the GCB is twenty, out of which two, i.e. and , have

been analysed here in depth. The examples of the latter metaphor, although nol

so numerous in the history of English, can be detected in the course of the

analysis of relevant data. This process which involves the shift in the

directionality of mapping from a lower to a higher level on the GCB is referred

to as reversed zoosemy, e.g. puppet originally 'a contemptuous term for a

person', and secondarily 'a little dog; a whelp; a puppy', holdfast originally 'one

that holds fast: a stingy or hard-fisted person; a miser' and secondarily 'a name

for a dog that holds tenaciously' or girl attested in the sense 'a young roebuck'.

Thus, it needs to be emphasised that zoosems related to the conceptual

dimensions APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS,

BEHAVlOURJCHARACTER, MORALITY, CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUMrepresent

two metaphors coherent with the stmcture of GCB, that is both and .

Additionally, it must be pointed out that the list of metaphors emerging from

this chapter includes both simple (uni-thread) cases, e.g. A SAILOR, A GOOD

SWIMMER IS PERCEIVED AS A WATER-DOG> and complex (multi-

thread) cases of metaphorical evolution, e.g. . A considerable number

of multi-thread metaphors points clearly to the fact that the mechanism of

zoosemy is by no means internally uniform, but rather both multidirectional and

gradual, based on our knowledge, experience and perception of the world. The

semantic change is, therefore, as freąuently emphasised in the literaturę of the

subject, the mechanism which is deeply rooted in experience and based on

graduality and developmental processes.

Moreover, it needs to be stressed that soine of the metaphorical transfers

analysed in this chapter are pejorative in character, e.g. 'a person who is too thin', Mod.lt.

e.g. cavalla 'a horse-(fem./sing.)' > 'a big and ungraceful woman', Mod.Du., e.g.

paard 'a horse' > 'an ugly woman', Mod.Sp., e.g. ballena 'a whale' > 'a fat

person', Mod.Ir. eala 'a swan' > 'a beautiful, attractive woman', Mod.SL, e.g.

tućniak 'a penguin' > 'a fat person', Mod.Basąue, e.g. poxpolina 'a young

partridge' > 'a channing person'.

Animal terms linked to the conceptual zonę BEHAVIOUR/CHARACTER are

particularly common in a variety of different languages, such as Mod.Russ., e.g.

co6ai 'a bad, uncultivated person', Mod.Norw., e.g. hund 'a dog' > 'a

faithful and loyal person', Mod.Pol., e.g. szczeniak 'a puppy' > 'a young

inexperienced and impertinent person', Mod.G., e.g. Esel 'an ass' > 'a silly

person', Mod.Du., e.g. gans 'a goose' > 'a silly woman', Mod.American-

Spanish, e.g. burro/asso 'a donkey, ass' > 'a stupid person', Mod.Chinese, e.g.

ben/chun zhu $£./JkW 'a stupid pig' > 'an idiot', Mod.Sl. somdr 'a donkey' > 'a

stupid person', Mod.Sp., e.g. becerro 'a calf > 'a stupid or stubborn person',

Mod.Basąue, e.g. astoa 'a donkey' > 'a fool, a stupid, illiterate person' and

Mod.Hu., e.g. tyiik 'a hen' > 'a stupid woman'.

Zoosems conceptually related to the sphere MORALITY are present in

Mod.Pol., e.g. pszczółka 'dim. a bee' > 'a courtesan', osioł 'a donkey' > 'a

prostitute's client', Mod.lt., e.g.porco and medale 'a pig-(masc/sing)' > 'a lustful

man', troione 'a sow-(aug-masc/sing)' > 'a very lustful man', Mod.Fr., e.g.

poulette 'a smali hen' > 'a prostitute', pouliche 'a young marę' > 'a prostitute',

Mod.Russ., e.g. ceimbK 'a pig, swine' > 'an immoral person', Mod.Sp., e.g.

cerdo 'a pig' > 'an ill-natured or dirty and gluttonous person', Mod.Norw., e.g.

hoppe/merr 'a marę' > 'an evil-minded woman', Mod.Basąue, e.g. ahardia 'a

sow' > 'a dirty, despicable woman', txakur emea 'a bitch' > 'an evil-minded,

spiteful woman' and Mod.Hu., e.g. ven kecske 'an old goat' > 'an aged,

lecherous man'.

Zoosemic developments used with reference to the conceptual zonę

CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM are freąuent in - among others - Mod.Pol., e.g.

krowa 'a cow', cielę 'a calf, sitka 'a bitch', gęś 'a goose', kobyła 'a hack',

szczeniara 'a fem. puppy', koza 'a goat' > 'a young girl' are terms of

opprobrium used for women and the following ones with reference to men: pies

z kulawą nogą 'a lamę dog' > 'nobody', baran 'a ram', byczek 'dim. a buli',

bydlak 'pej. cattle', samiec 'a małe', (stary) byk 'an old buli', (stary) koń 'an old

horse', muł 'a mule', psi syn 'a son of a dog', sukinsyn 'a son of a bitch',

sukinkot 'euph. a son of a bitch', prosię 'a piglet', wieprz 'a hog'.

Among others, in this chapter an attempt has been madę to provide evidence

in favour of the thesis advanced earlier by such authors as, for example,

Geeraerts (1983), Kardela and Kleparski (1990) that changes in meaning can be

accounted for morę fully with the aid of such a cognitive mechanism broadly

understood as metaphor because we believe, following Gyóri (2002:124) that

[...] semantic change relies on generał principles ofhuman cognition. Given the

scope of our analysis, we hope to have provided partial evidence that the

mechanism of the GCB based on CMT which explains conventional pattems of

metaphorical conceptualisation proves a useful tool in the analysis of semantic

alterations perceived as a natural conseąuence of language usage directly related

to cognitive processing.

CONCLUSIONS

The primary goal set to this work has been to search for cognitive

mechanisms responsible for the operation of the process of zoosemic extension

and to put them into use in the analysis of animal metaphor related to the

conceptual category DOMESTICATED ANIMALS. We believe that although

the study carried out here is far from being exhaustive in its treatment of the

linguistic materiał targeted, it offers a relatively solid foundation to formulate

certain generalisations and observations both in relation to materiał and

pertaining to the naturę of semantic change per se viewed as a cognitive process.

One seems justified to claim that at least some of the motivations behind the

operation of zoosemy are culture- and belief-dependent (see, among others,

Lipka (1996:63-64)), in that people tend to perceive animals as possessing

certain, freąuently inadeąuate, characteristics (see Persson (1990:169)), and

apply these distorted pictures to human beings they either do not like, despise or

simply wish to insult, mock or ridicule. Therefore, the problem could be said to

have ultimately psychological roots and be based on deep-rooted folk beliefs.

Persson (1990:169) argues that [...] our contempt for and prejudice against

domestic animals is caused by andfacilitates our ensłavement ofthem.

Basaj (1996:282) argues that the motivation behind the operation of

zoosemy may be said to stem from what the author refers to as psychological

parallelism, i.e. analogies between human beings and the surrounding reality

based on the cognitive character of thinking triggered by comparison. Notice

that the semantic conditioning of creating comparisons derives from the

intention of the speaker to emphasise a given feature/trait of a human being in an

intensive and evaluative way, e.g. Mod.Pol. on jest uparty 'he is stubborn' - on

jest bardzo uparty 'he is very stubborn' - on jest uparty jak kozioł/osioł 'he is as

stubborn as a goat/donkey'; cf. Mod.E. (as) stubborn as a mule (see Basaj

(1996:282)). It seems that analogies are due to the fact that - most freąuently - a

certain group of living creatures/beings is linked to stereotypical (true or false)

associations in human cognition, which in turn facilitates the choice of a model,

i.e. the component of the comparison being the basis of the image.

Understandably, the basis of the comparison in ąuestion are names of animals,

plants and other things which surround human beings.

Without doubt, our findings confirm Basaj's (1996:285) observations that in

comparisons involving animals and human beings the latter tend to be described

in terms of four main aspects: description of physical characteristics and

appearance (e.g. Mod.Pol. chudy jak szkapa 'slim/thin like a jadę' (cf. Mod.E. as

227

thin as a rake)), description of a psychological/mental attribute (e.g. Mod.Pol.

głupi jak cielą 'stupid like a calf, cf. Mod.G. Sie ist eine dumnie Gans 'She is a

dumb goose'), description of a physical state/condition (e.g. Mod.Pol. zdrowy

jak lyba 'as healthy as a fish', głodny jak wilk 'as hungry as a wolf, cf. Mod.E.

/ could eat a horse; walczyć jak lew 'fight as a lion', cf. Mod.G.

Peter hat wie ein Loewe gekaempft, Mod.Sp. Pedro combatió como im león,

Mod.P. O Pedro combateu como urn ledo 'Peter fought like a lion'), description

of an activity (e.g. Mod.Pol. uciekać jak zając 'escape as a hare', cf. Mod.E.

hare off).

The description of physical characteristics and appearance can refer to both

the author/speaker and receiver, in the majority of cases the description of a

state/condition involves the first person (e.g. Mod.Pol. jestem głodny jak wilk 'I

am hungry as a wolf (cf. Mod.E. / could eat a horse)). In contrast, as far as the

description of attributes and activities is concerned, negative ąualities are

attributed to other people (e.g. Mod.Pol. głupi jak cielę 'stupid like a calf (cf.

Mod.E. clonkey 'a stupid person)), but a speaker can ascribe himself some

positive ąualities (e.g. Mod.Pol. jestem pracowity jak pszczółka 'I am as hard-

working as a bee' (cf. Mod.E. as busy as a bee), Mod.Pol. walczyłem jak lew 'I

fought like a lion').

Likewise, to a considerable extent, our observations are in accord with

Hsieh's (2000) findings who, in her extensive study of animal metaphor in

German and Chinese, argues that zoosemy reflects the ways of thinking and the

cultural peculiarities of particular societies as implied in the metaphors which

are subconsciously used on daily basis - these metaphors we live by (see Lakoff

and Johnson (1980)), emerge collectively from literary works, mass media or

contact with other languages. One of the observations madę by the author is that

most of the animal metaphors are constructed with regard to appearances.

On our interpretation, the conceptual dimension APPEARANCE/PHYSICAL

CHARACTERISTICS seems to play an important role in the process of zoosemic

extension (e.g. cob 'a horse' > 'a huge, łumpish person', kitling 'a kitten' > 'a

child resembling a kitten', Mod.Sp. ballena 'a whale' applied to 'a fat person',

cachalote 'a cachalot' - secondarily 'a fat person', foca 'a seal' designating 'a

fat person, particułarly a woman'; Mod.lt. cavalla 'a horse-(fem/sing)' > 'a big

and ungraceful woman'; cavallona 'a horse-(aug-fem/sing)' > 'a very big and

clumsy woman'), and to conduct and character of the respective animal. In our

terms, the latter metaphors are constructed via the conceptual dimension

BEHAVIOURJCHARACTER (e.g. colt 'a young horse' > 'a young, inexperienced

person', dog 'Canis familiaris'' > 'a worthless, despicable, surly, or cowardly

fellow', Mod.Sp. tiburón 'a shark' > 'an egoist, self-seeker'; marrajo 'a shark' >

'a malicious person'; merlo 'a black wrasse' > 'an idiot'; percebe 'a goose

barnacle' > 'a fool, dope'; Mod.lt. oca 'a goose-(fem/sing)' > 'a stupid

woman/girl; ochetta 'a goose-(dim-fem/sing)' > 'a stupid woman/girl; galletto 'a

rooster-(dim-masc/sing)' > 'a womaniser'; gallaccio 'a rooster-(pej-mase/sing)

(i.e. bad rooster)' > 'a womaniser').

Another category of animal metaphors clearly emerging from our analysis

depicts the relationships obtaining between people and animals (e.g. dogs are

generally regarded as friendly and loyal and this attitude gives rise to Mod.E.

and Mod.Pol. phrasesyow lucky dog; love me, !ove my dog; Mod.Pol. wierny jak

pies 'as faithful as a dog'). The remaining group of metaphors singled out in

Hsieh's (2000) classification and echoed in our analysis includes those that are

coined arbitrarily with no elear reference to a relevant animal. These are referred

to in this work as terms of abuse related to the conceptual sphere

CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM (e.g. marę 'a female horse' > 'a contemptible

woman'; horse 'Equus cabalus' > 'a contemptible person'; Mod.Hu. patkany 'a

rat' > 'a base, mean person'; Mod.Norw. hoppe/merr 'a marę' > 'an evil-minded

woman'; rotte 'a rat' > 'a disgusting, nasty person').

It must be emphasised that the conceptual dimension

CONTEMPT/OPPROBRIUM is differently structured from other dimensions

postulated in this work in that it expresses human bias towards particular

ąualities of a referent. Our classification of terms follows as a merę corollary

of them being classified in this way by the OED and other lexicographic

sources. These terms are too generał or appear in too many contextual variants

to be ascribed unambiguously to any other conceptual dimension, e.g.

MORALITY, BEHAVIOURICHARACTER, etc.

Notice that although animal metaphors are often applied as terms of abuse

(e.g. pup 'a young dog, a whelp/a young puppy' > 'a youthful or inexperienced

person/a beginner', Mod.Ir. asal 'a donkey' > 'a foolish person', Mod.Du. koe 'a

cow' > 'a clumsy person'), some of them are used positively (e.g. as terms of

endearment (Mod.E. bunny; Mod.Pol. żabka 'dim. a frog' > 'a beloved woman';

Mod.Fr. canari 'a canary', colombe 'a dove', alouette 'a lark' all meaning 'a loved

woman'), benediction, praise (e.g. John is as busy as a bee 'John is a hard-working

man'; He is a lion 'He is a brave man'), jest (e.g. colt 'a young horse' > 'a young

or inexperienced cricket player; a member of a junior team')), and neutrally (e.g.

objects (horse 'a frame usually with legs used for supporting something (as planks

or staging) rendered into Mod.Pol. as kozioł 'a goat'), euphemisms (fiłły 'a young

marę' > 'a young, lively girl', pony 'a smali horse' > 'a smali chorus girl or

dancer'), exclamations (He 's a crafty oki dogi; You luclcy dogi)).

The well-justified claim that has been madę in this work is that apart from the

groups of metaphors enumerated by Hsieh (2000) which mirror the conceptual

spheres posited here, other conceptual dimensions are also a common source of

animal-based metaphors, for example the conceptual dimension MORALITY (e.g.

bitch 'a female dog' > 'a lewd/sensual woman' or 'a malicious/treacherous

woman', Mod.Pol. klepalświnia 'a pig, sow' > 'a base person', Mod.Fr. poule (de

luxe) 'a hen' > 'a ])xost\tate,, poulette 'a smali hen' > 'a prostitute').

228

229