Evaluating the extent of political and social democracy developed in Brazil since 1988, while there have been some promising trends on the one hand, many people have been experiencing a strong “disenchantment with democracy” due to a continued corruption, clientelism, lack of real empowerment of the marginalized populations, wealth concentration in the hands of the few, etc. Despite the high-minded rhetoric of universal rights of the 1988 Constitution, Brazil's uneven democratization revealed social distinctions and differential treatment by police, judiciary and legal institutions. Paulo Freire wrote that democracy was an imported idea for Brazil, a superimposed solution for a nation with no experience in self-government. The choice today before the Brazilian people is between choosing a potential dictatorial regime and abdicating self-government possibilities or choosing to come together and put time and effort into figuring out self-government.

I see the 7% of the gross domestic product is better than in many other countries.

Brazil is a developing country? It’s been developing for 400 years—like the rest of Latin America. Why are those countries still “developing”? More recently settled countries like Canada, Australia and New Zealand stopped “developing” a century ago.

Why? Bad leaders? Violence? Drugs? Inflation? Land owned by a few elites with a large peasant population? Oh yes. But the underlying reason is that the Latin American countries are presidential.

Europe has had plenty of problems but they are not in a permanent state of corruption and chaos like South America. Look at Venezuela: two million people have fled, starving, lives ruined. Honduras, Guatemala, Mexico ruled by gangs. Crazy. And they can never escape.

Presidentialism—where a popularly elected head of state chooses is own cabinet—simply doesn’t work. The US has so far managed to stay reasonably democratic, perhaps because it is a very federal system, but even the US is a manic freak show compared with the world’s parliamentary systems. Look at the Philippines, South Korea, and the presidential cesspits of the former Soviet Union. Presidential Indonesia has survived 20 years. It will fail, perhaps soon.

The South American presidential countries won’t change. The mess will go on forever. This decade these countries in chaos, next decade those countries. Doomed to be perennially "developing".

Mike ever heard of something called empire or colonialism? You think they don't still impact today?

Empire? Colonialism? You can probably go on finding reasons (or excuses) forever. I already gave a brief list. The problems will never be solved because underlying them is a more fundamental problem: the presidential system. The South American (and other) countries are permanently trapped by a non-viable political structure.

The Economist, Oct 27, 2018/On Bolsonaro and Corporate Fascism...

The Americas

Brazil’s election

Jair Bolsonaro and the perversion of liberalism

The probable president is reviving Latin America’s unholy marriage between market economics and political authoritarianism

In July, at a convention of his small and inaptly named Social Liberal Party, Jair Bolsonaro unveiled his star hire. Paulo Guedes, a free-market economist from the University of Chicago, has done much to persuade Brazil’s business people that Mr Bolsonaro can be trusted with the country’s future, despite his insults to women, blacks and gays, his rhetorical fondness for dictatorship and the suddenness of his professed conversion to liberal economics. At the convention Mr Guedes praised Mr Bolsonaro as representing order and the preservation of life and property. His own entry into the campaign, he added, means “the union of order and progress”.

That prospect seems poised to make Mr Bolsonaro, a former army captain, Brazil’s president in a run-off election on October 28th. A survey by Ibope, a pollster, gives him around 52% of votes, to 37% for Fernando Haddad, his opponent from the left-wing Workers’ Party (PT); 9% of respondents said they would abstain. Mr Bolsonaro has benefited from a public mood of despair over rising crime, corruption and an economic slump caused by the mistakes of a previous pt government.

In the PowerPoint slideshow that passes for his manifesto, Mr Bolsonaro promises “a liberal democratic government”. Certainly Mr Guedes champions some liberal economic measures. He proposes to slim Brazil’s puffed-up, ineffective and near-bankrupt state through privatisations and public-spending cuts, and to undo the country’s serpentine red tape.

Yet Mr Bolsonaro’s words are often neither liberal nor democratic. He stands for “order”, but not the law. He urges police to kill criminals, or those they think might be criminals. He wants to change human-rights policy to “give priority to victims”, though presumably he does not mean the victims of extra-legal killings by police. He lacks a liberal regard for the public good in his plans to favour farmers over the environment and withdraw Brazil from the Paris agreement on climate change.

Whereas Mr Guedes proposes economic deregulation, Mr Bolsonaro wants moral re-regulation. He vows “to defend the family”; to “defend the innocence of children in school” against alleged homosexual propaganda; and to oppose abortion and the legalisation of drugs. As a congressman, he proposed birth control for the poor. He calls the generals who took power as dictators in Brazil in 1964 and ruled for two decades “heroes”. In July one of his sons, Eduardo Bolsonaro, who is a congressman, said “a soldier and a corporal” would be enough to shut down the supreme court. (The candidate distanced himself from these “emotional” comments, saying “the court is the guardian of the constitution.”)

When Comte hijacked liberalism

The combination of political authoritarianism and free-market economics is not new in Brazil or Latin America. Indeed, Mr Guedes’s phrase at the convention harks back to the point in the history of Latin American thought when the notions of economic and political freedom became divorced. “Order and Progress” is the slogan stamped across Brazil’s flag. There is no mention of “freedom” or “equality”. The slogan was dreamed up when Brazil became a republic in 1889 under the influence of positivism, a set of ideas associated with Auguste Comte, a French philosopher. Positivists believed that government by a high-minded “scientific” elite could bring about modern industrial societies without violence or class struggle.

Positivism was little more than a footnote in Europe. But it was hugely influential in Latin America, especially in Brazil and Mexico. It combined a preference for strong central government with a conception of society as a hierarchical collective, rather than an agglomeration of free individuals. Positivism hijacked liberalism and its belief that progress would come from political and economic freedom for individuals, just when this seemed to have become the triumphant political philosophy in the region in the third quarter of the 19th century. According to Charles Hale, a historian of ideas, positivism relegated liberalism to a “foundation myth” of the Latin American republics. It was to be paid lip service in constitutions but ignored in political practice. In a sentiment to which Mr Bolsonaro might subscribe, Francisco G. Cosmes, a Mexican positivist, claimed in 1878 that rather than “rights” society preferred “bread…security, order and peace”.

The divorce between the ideas of political and economic freedom in Latin America was in part a consequence of the region’s difficulty in creating prosperous market economies and stable democracies based on equality of opportunity. But it has also been one of the causes of that failure.

Liberalism had struggled to change societies marked by big racial and social inequalities, inherited from Iberian colonialism, especially in rural Latin America. Liberals abolished slavery and the formal serfdom to which Indians were subjected in the Andes and Mexico. But the countryside remained polarised between owners of latifundia (large estates) and indentured labourers. Missing were yeoman farmers, or a rural bourgeoisie. André Rebouças, a leader of the movement to abolish slavery in Brazil (which happened only in 1888), envisaged a “rural democracy” resulting from “the emancipation of the slave and his regeneration through land ownership”. It never happened.

Positivists rejected the liberal belief in the equal value of all citizens and imbibed the “scientific racism” and social Darwinism in vogue in late 19th-century Europe. They saw the solution to Latin American backwardness in immigration of white European indentured labourers, which initially prevented a rise in rural wages for former slaves and serfs.

The ignored lesson of Canudos

The high-minded positivists who ran the Brazilian republic were humiliated by a rebellion in the 1890s by a monarchist preacher at Canudos, in the parched interior of Bahia in the north-east. It took four expeditions, the last involving 10,000 troops and heavy artillery, to crush Canudos, at a cost of 20,000 dead (some of the defenders had their throats cut after surrendering). Euclides da Cunha, a positivist army officer-turned-journalist who covered these events, wrote in “Os Sertões” (“Rebellion in the Backlands”), which became one of Brazil’s best-known books, that the military campaign would be “a crime” if it was not followed by “a constant, persistent, stubborn campaign of education” to draw these “rude and backward fellow-countrymen into…our national life”.

That was a liberal response from a positivist writer. Again, it didn’t happen. Veterans from the Canudos campaign would set up the first favelas in Rio de Janeiro, which soon were filled with migrants from the north-east. Their descendants may end up as victims of Mr Bolsonaro’s encouragement of police violence.

Liberalism never died in Latin America, but in the 20th century it often lost out. With industrialisation and the influence of European fascism, positivism morphed into corporatism, in which economic freedom yielded to the state’s organisation of the economy, as well as society, in non-competing functional units (unions and bosses’ organisations, for example). Corporatism, with the power it awarded to state functionaries of all kinds, appealed to many of the region’s military men.

That became clear when many countries suffered dictatorships in the 1960s and 1970s. The Brazilian military regime would intermittently adopt economic liberalism, especially under the aegis of Mario Henrique Simonsen, a brilliant economist (and one of Mr Guedes’s tutors). He twice tried to impose fiscal and monetary squeezes to curb inflation. His nemesis was Antonio Delfim Netto, who favoured expansion through debt and inflation, which would cost Brazil a “lost decade” in the 1980s. The dictatorship that Mr Bolsonaro so admires ignored Da Cunha’s plea: it left to civilian leaders a country in which a quarter of children aged seven to 14 were not at school. Only in the current democratic period, under the constitution of 1988, has Brazil achieved universal primary education and mass secondary schooling.

The exception to military corporatism was General Augusto Pinochet’s personal dictatorship in Chile from 1973 to 1990. Pinochet sensed, rightly, that corporatism would require him to share power with his military colleagues. Instead, he called on a group of civilian economists, dubbed the “Chicago boys” because several had studied at the University of Chicago, where the libertarian economics of Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman held sway.

Trial and error from the Chicago boys [a similar group of economists was behind the disastrous outcome of Russia before Putin's restoration of dictatorship, EJT]

The Chicago boys applied these principles in Chile, whose economy had been wrecked by the irresponsibility of Salvador Allende, a democratic socialist overthrown by Pinochet. Their programme would eventually lay the foundations for Chile to become Latin America’s most dynamic economy at the turn of the century. But it was akin to a major operation by trial and error and without anaesthetic. They slashed import tariffs and the fiscal deficit, which fell from 25% of GDP in 1973 to 1% in 1975. They privatised hundreds of companies, with no regard for competition or regulation. Worried that inflation was slow to fall, they established a fixed and overvalued exchange rate. The result of all this was that the economy came to be dominated by a few conglomerates, heavily indebted in dollars and centred on the private banks.

In 1982, after a rise in interest rates in the United States, Chile defaulted on its debts and the economy slumped. Poverty engulfed 45% of the population and the unemployment rate rose to 30%. Pinochet eventually dumped the Chicago boys and turned to more pragmatic economists, whose policies contributed to Chile’s post-dictatorship prosperity.

Something similar happened in Peru under the presidency of Alberto Fujimori, who governed from 1990 to 2000. He sent tanks to shut down congress and pushed through a radical free-market economic programme. Again, that laid the basis for a dynamic economy but carried heavy costs. Mr Fujimori’s regime engaged in systematic corruption, and his destruction of the party system and of judicial independence had consequences that are still being felt. In Guatemala and Honduras, Hayekian anti-state libertarianism has led to dystopias from which citizens migrate en masse to escape from weak governments unable to provide public security or encourage economic opportunity (see next story).

Mr Bolsonaro is a fan of Pinochet, who “did what had to be done”, he said in 2015. (This included killing some 3,000 political opponents and torturing tens of thousands.) So is Mr Guedes, who taught at the University of Chile in the 1980s, when the dean of its economics faculty was Pinochet’s budget director. Mr Guedes wants a flat income tax, a libertarian but not liberal measure. (Adam Smith, the father of liberal economics, favoured a progressive tax.)

So is Brazil in for a dose of pinochetismo? Mr Bolsonaro is not the army commander—indeed he was eased out of the army for indiscipline in 1988. And he is not a convincing economic liberal. At heart, he is a corporatist. As a congressman for 27 years, he repeatedly voted against privatisation and pension reform, and for increases in the wages of public servants.

Many of Mr Guedes’s proposals are vague, but sensible in principle and overdue. They include cutting the deficit and the public debt and reshaping public spending. Many of his proposed privatisations are necessary. As he told Piauí, a newspaper, Brazil is “paradise for rent seekers and hell for entrepreneurs”. He rightly wants to change that. But in many of these things Mr Bolsonaro may be his opponent. Mr Guedes may not last long.

Under a Bolsonaro presidency, Brazil could hope for a reformed, faster-growing economy and a president who keeps his authoritarian impulses in check. But there are plenty of risks. Perhaps the biggest is of illiberal democracy in which elections continue, but not the practice of democratic government with its checks and balances and rules of fairness. That could arise if a Bolsonaro presidency descended into permanent conflict, both within the government and between it and an opposition inflamed by Mr Bolsonaro’s verbal aggression. Frustrated, he might then lash out against the legislature and the courts. Separating economic and political freedom may seem like a short cut to development. But in Latin America it rarely is: the demand for strong government has vied with a persistent yearning for liberty.

the struggle for democracy is never ending

Well, in presidential systems it is never-ending. And permanently unsuccessful too.

But success is working democratically

there is no necessary end station

A functioning democracy requires social consciousness. In our laboratory, we have a coffee area next to a sink. Every day, the counter around the coffee maker is polluted with coffee grains and spills. Furthermore, the sink is unmanageable being filled with soiled dishes as high as the eye can see. So, who is responsible for this? They are the elite of America: PhD students, postdoctoral fellows, senior scientists, and professors. The explanations I get for this are varied: "I clean but it never ends." … "Aren't the cleaning ladies responsible for this?" … "I am just too busy!" This attitude was prevalent while I lived in Northeastern Brazil, which explains the mountains of garbage in many of the cities. Now, Brazilians have elected a leader who will put a gun to their heads to demand that the kitchen sink remains clean. Freedom does not come for free and (often and unfortunately) it is only appreciated once it's gone.

Dear Prof. Edward J Tehovnik

I guess that Brazil should remain as far as possible from the Sao Paolo forum. Otherwise, think about what is happening in my country Venezuela.

Brazil is currently considered one of the best democratic countries in South America, due to its enjoyment of political stability and a recovery in economic development, and this reflects positively on the social structure.

This does not mean that the country is not devoid of corruption, as corruption exists in most countries in the world, but Brazil is better than others.

Therefore, the state must fight corruption in all its forms, because this leads to a loss of political confidence between the people and the ruling elite.

“A functioning democracy requires social consciousness.”

I don’t think so.

James Madison famously said that if men were angels, no government would be necessary and if angels governed men, no check on government would be necessary. The US founding fathers had to figure out how non-angelic people can live together. They invented modern democracy.

Don’t ask people to be angels. A functioning democracy is independent of people believing in democracy or being specially social. Stable democracy does not depend on politicians being nice. The trick is to get the democratic structure right. Canada’s is right; Mexico’s is not.

Latin American countries became independent well before many European countries and before Australia and New Zealand but the SA countries can’t sustain democracy. There are just as many crooks, populists and other scoundrels in Australia as in Brazil but the former is stable, prosperous and a recognised international participant while Brazil is erratic, poor, corrupt and of no account on the world stage.