On the one hand, Miyagawa (2012) reports that Japanese -mas- polite agreement marker may appear in embedded clauses headed by to (non-factive complementizer) and selected by say-type verbs (i.e. Hooper & Thompson's (1973) Type A verbs):

(i) Taroo-wa [Hanako-ga ki-mas-i-ta to] it-ta.

Taro-TOP Hanako-NOM come-POLITE-PAST C say-PAST

'Taro said that Hanako came.'

On the other hand, Japanese allows long-distance scrambling out of a clause headed by to:

(ii) [Sono hon-o]_i Hanako-ga [Taroo-ga t_i katta to] omotteiru.

that book-ACC Hanako-NOM Taro-NOM bought C think

'Hanako thinks Taro bought that book.'

My question is the following: In Japanese embedded -mas- clauses it's possible to legitimate an wh-phrase by a matrix interrogative ka particle like in (iii)?

(iii) Context: The speaker ask about Taro's words.

Taroo-wa [dare-ga ki-mas-i-ta to] it-ta ka?

Taro-TOP who-NOM come-POLITE-PAST C say-PAST Q

~ 'Who_i did Taro say t_i came?'

REFERENCES

Hooper, Joan B. & Thompson, Sandra A. (1973): On the applicability of root transformations. Linguistic Inquiry 4:465-497.

Miyagawa, Shigeru (2012) : Agreements that occur mainly in the main clause. In: Lobke Aelbrecht, Liliane Haegeman and Rachel Nye, Main Clause Phenomena: New Horizons, p. 79-111. Amsterdam; Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

Saito, M. (1992): Long distance scrambling in Japanese. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 1(1):69-118.

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