The history will praise the native people who are having traditional faith of retaining their nation from the exploiters who swallowed the resources from the country

The citizens who are paying the homage are called patriotic historic people will be recognized by the Government.

Otherwise, we can say that aborigines of the country who have a long history of sustaining their cultural, ethnic characteristics of the language, dressing styles, eating habits, dances and customs etc.

Zimbabwe is very near by country to South Africa has unique cultural features in the Africa. The real patriotic people used to love their country, and to maintain their culture identity uniqueness etc.

Article Patriotic Histories in Global Perspective

https://www.educationnext.org/defining-patriotic-history-response/

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It must have become clear that history is at the centre of politics in Zimbabwe far more than in any other southern African country. But how can academic historians make an impact in the debate? Let me return, at the end of this review, to the University of Zimbabwe and to its aspirant pluralist and post-nationalist historians. These have refused to go on radio or television. But if their voices have not been heard as advocates of patriotic history, they have not been heard in any other way either. Zimbabwe is a country in which books have much less effect than radio, television or the press. Even if academic books and articles made an impact, the University of Zimbabwe is effectively gagged. Printing costs have risen so rapidly that the UZ publications department cannot afford to publish any of the admirable monographs and collections it has accepted without massive subsidy. Among other things, this means that a very large edited collection on Zimbabwe’s political economy remains unpublished. Even my own edited collection, Nationalism, Democracy and Human Rights – which might be said to provide some of the building blocks for a counter narrative – has only seen the light of day after two successive subsidies, and even then, only 100 copies have been produced! The university’s journal, Zambezia, has not been published for several months. All the external agencies that used to subsidise research and publication have withdrawn. The university is mute.

When I retired from the University of Zimbabwe in 2001, I agreed with two of the university historians that we would jointly write a single-volume history of Zimbabwe. No such book exists and, even in today’s economic conditions, it would sell. We have not written it yet and it is obviously both a very difficult and a very significant time in which to attempt it. But I hope that either we, or somebody else, will soon make that attempt. It might provide an alternative to patriotic history.

(Citation from: https://www.african.cam.ac.uk/system/files/documents/ranger.pdf

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https://historiografija.hr/?p=32011

Am in agreement with these authors that patriotic history is the political (re-) nationalization of a people‘s memory.

In this sense and imo, dear Nyasha Kajese , it can be the source of ‚new/old conflicts‘ between political entities, due to contrasting interpretations (versions) of what happened and what should happen.

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https://www.inth.ugent.be/researchers/stephen-i-ternyik

Thank you Professor Dr.Stehen I Ternyik have contributed most extraordinary answer to this Question.

Nyasha Kajese is the PhD scholar is looking for more information on this patriotic history of Zimbabwe in particular.

Hope she may satisfy your answer Professor.

The above cited article from Terence Ranger is not the newest (from~2010),

but covers the topic in a demanding intellectual manner, with respect to Zimbabwe, dear Senapathy Marisennayya

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Nationalist Historiography, Patriotic History and the History of the Nation: the Struggle over the Past in Zimbabwe TERENCE RANGER (St Antony’s College, Oxford) Over the past two or three years there has emerged in Zimbabwe a sustained attempt by the Mugabe regime to propagate what is called ‘patriotic history’. ‘Patriotic history’ is intended to proclaim the continuity of the Zimbabwean revolutionary tradition. It is an attempt to reach out to ‘youth’ over the heads of their parents and teachers, all of whom are said to have forgotten or betrayed revolutionary values. It repudiates academic historiography with its attempts to complicate and question. At the same time, it confronts Western ‘bogus universalism’ which it depicts as a denial of the concrete history of global oppression. ‘Patriotic history’ is propagated at many levels – on television and in the state-controlled press; in youth militia camps; in new school history courses and textbooks; in books written by cabinet ministers; in speeches by Robert Mugabe and in philosophical eulogies and glosses of those speeches by Zimbabwe’s media controller, Tafataona Mahoso. It is a coherent but complex doctrine. This article explores the intellectual and practical implications of ‘patriotic history’. It contrasts it with an older ‘nationalist historiography’, a newer ‘history of the nation’, and with attempts at the University of Zimbabwe to move on to pluralist analyses and multiple questions. The current historiographical debate is seen through the eyes, and in the light of the experience, of its author, a long-term practitioner of both nationalist historiography and the history of the Zimbabwean nation

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The full link is the 3rd one in my first response.